Update 'content/annex/biotranslab.md'

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@@ -11,7 +11,7 @@ Don't forget to click on "Comit Changes" to commit the changes.
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-tom.....
+tom
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config/_default/config.toml

@@ -4,7 +4,6 @@ title = "Pirate Care"
 theme = "piratecare"
 relativeurls = true
 disableKinds = ["RSS", "sitemap"]
-ignoreErrors = ["error-disable-taxonomy"]
 
 [params]
   description = "Network of activists, researchers and practitioners against the criminalisation of solidarity & for a common care infrastructure."
@@ -24,3 +23,5 @@ ignoreErrors = ["error-disable-taxonomy"]
         endLevel=4
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+    [markup.goldmark.renderer]
+      unsafe = false

content/_index.md

@@ -3,50 +3,39 @@ title: "Pirate Care"
 has_topics: ["piratecareintroduction.md", "criminalizationofsolidarity.md", "searescue.md", "housingstruggles.md", "commoningcare.md", "psychosocialautonomy.md", "hologramsocialcare.md", "communitysafetyandcontextualfluidity.md", "transhackfeminism.md", "hormonestoxicityandbodysovereignty.md", "fosteringequityanddiversityinthehackermakerscene.md", "politicisingpiracy.md", "coronanotes.md"]
 ---
 
-**Please note:** This syllabus and its library emerged from a web of relationships spun between 2018 and 2021 and are the fruits of collective writing conducted in various constellations between the practitioners of pirate care. They are an archive and reflect a moment in which they were written, with all the complexities that came as the coronavirus pandemic impacted our lives. Like the commons they seek to reimagine, they are here as a provocation and an invitation to all of us to pirate care from systems that exploit it.
-
-The ideas that motivated the syllabus have been expanded into a book, *Pirate Care. Acts Against the Criminalization of Solidarity* (Pluto Press 2025), providing a glimpse into a broad range of pirate care initiatives, exploring pirate care's political significance and carrying its questions further into the world. For those who feel called to explore, the book awaits here: [Pluto Press](https://www.plutobooks.com/9780745349800/pirate-care/).
-
-
 # Pirate Care, a syllabus
 
-> We live in a world where captains get arrested for saving people’s lives on the sea; where a person downloading scientific articles faces 35 years in jail; where people risk charges for bringing contraceptives to those who otherwise couldn’t get them. Folks are getting in trouble for giving food to the poor, medicine to the sick, water to the thirsty, shelter to the homeless. And yet our heroines care and disobey. They are pirates.
+*We live in a world where captains get arrested for saving people’s lives on the sea; where a person downloading scientific articles faces 35 years in jail; where people risk charges for bringing contraceptives to those who otherwise couldn’t get them. Folks are getting in trouble for giving food to the poor, medicine to the sick, water to the thirsty, shelter to the homeless. And yet our heroines care and disobey. They are pirates.*
 
 ---
 
-Pirate Care is a research process - primarily based in the transnational European space - that maps the increasingly present forms of activism at the intersection of “care” and “piracy”, which in new and interesting ways are trying to intervene in one of the most important challenges of our time, that is, the ‘crisis of care’ in all its multiple and interconnected dimensions.
+Pirate Care is a research process - primarily based in the transnational European space - that maps the increasingly present forms of activism at the intersection of “care” and “piracy”, which in new and interesting ways are trying to intervene in one of the most important challenges of our time, that is, the ‘crisis of care’ in all its multiple and interconnected dimensions. 
 
-These practices are experimenting with self-organisation, alternative approaches to social reproduction and the commoning of tools, technologies and knowledges. Often they act disobediently in expressed non-compliance with laws, regulations and executive orders that ciriminalise the duty of care by imposing exclusions along the lines of class, gender, race or territory. They are not shying risk of persecution in providing unconditional solidarity to those who are the most exploited, discriminated against and condemned to the status of disposable populations.
+These practices are experimenting with self-organisation, alternative approaches to social reproduction and the commoning of tools, technologies and knowledges. Often they act disobediently in expressed non-compliance with laws, regulations and executive orders that ciriminalise the duty of care by imposing exclusions along the lines of class, gender, race or territory. They are not shying risk of persecution in providing unconditional solidarity to those who are the most exploited, discriminated against and condemned to the status of disposable populations. 
 
 The Pirate Care Syllabus we present here for the first time is a tool for supporting and activating collective processes of learning from these practices. We encourage everyone to freely use this syllabus to learn and organise processes of learning and to freely adapt, rewrite and expand it to reflect their own experience and serve their own pedagogies.
 
 
+> 8th March 2020 - Please Note:
+> The Pirate Care Syllabus is still work in progress. Some topics and sessions are still under development, 
+> more will be created during the residency at the Kunsthalle (beginning of April) and beyond.
+
+
 # Care, a political notion
 
-1. Caring is not intrinsically “nice”, it always involve power relations. Processes of discipline, exclusion and harm can operate inside the matrix of care.
-
-2. Care labour holds the capacity to disobey power and increase our collective freedom. This is why when it is organised in capitalist, patriarchal and racist ways, it does not work for most living beings. We are in a global crisis of care.
-
+1. Caring is not intrinsically “nice”, it always involve power relations. Processes of discipline, exclusion and harm can operate inside the matrix of care. 
+    
+2. Care labour holds the capacity to disobey power and increase our collective freedom. This is why when it is organised in capitalist, patriarchal and racist ways, it does not work for most living beings. We are in a global crisis of care. 
+    
 3. There are no wrong people. Yet, caring for the “wrong” people is more and more socially discouraged, made difficult and criminalized. For many, the crisis of care has been there for a very long time.
-
+    
 4. Caring is labour. it is necessary and it is skilled labour.
-
+    
 5. Care labour is shared unfairly and violently in most societies, along lines of gender, provenance, race, class, ability, and age. Some are forced to care, while some defend their privilege of expecting service. This has to change.
-
+    
 6. Caring labour needs full access to resources, knowledge, tools and technologies. When these are taken away, we must claim them back.
 
 
 ...
 
-
-Pirate Care is convened by Valeria Graziano, Marcell Mars and Tomislav Medak.
-
-Contributors to the [Syllabus](https://syllabus.pirate.care/): Laura Benitez Valero, Emina Bužinkić, Rasmus Fleischer, Maddalena Fragnito, Valeria Graziano, Chris Grodotzki, Mary Maggic, Iva Marčetić, Marcell Mars, Tomislav Medak, Morana Miljanović, Power Makes Us Sick (PMS), Zoe Romano, Cassie Thornton, Ivory Tuesday, Ana Vilenica.
-
-Contributors and translators of [Flatten the Curve, Grow the Care: a collective note-taking exercise](https://syllabus.pirate.care/topic/coronanotes/): Janneke Adema, Cooperation Birmingham, Maddalena Fragnito, Valeria Graziano, Antonia Hernández, Rebekka Kiesewetter, Katja Laug, Marcell Mars, Tomislav Medak, Tomasso Petrucci, Dan Rudmann, Tobias Steiner.
-
-Contributors to the exhibition [Pirate Care: Learning from Disobedience](https://drugo-more.hr/en/pirate-care/): Laura Benítez Valero, Emina Bužinkić,  Maddalena Fragnito (Soprasotto), Iva Marčetić, Paula Pin (Biotranslab / Pechblenda), Planka, Power Makes Us Sick (PMS), Sea-Watch, Ana Vilenica and Women on Waves.
-
-Contributors to the [2019 Conference](https://pirate.care/pages/conference/) at the Centre for Postdigital Cultures, Coventry University: Agustina Andreoletti (Academy of Media Arts Cologne) | Mijke van der Drift (Goldsmiths  University of London / Royal Academy of Art, The Hague) | Taraneh Fazeli (curatorial fellow, Jan van Eyck Academie and Canaries collective) | Kirsten Forkert (BCU) + Janna Graham (Goldsmiths) + Victoria Mponda (Global Sistaz United) | Maddalena Fragnito (Soprasotto) | Valeria Graziano (CPC)  | Derly Guzman (Planka) | Toufic Haddad (Kenyon Institute) | Jelka Kretzschmar + Franziska Wallner (Sea-Watch) | Andrea Liu (Goldsmiths University of London) | Marcell Mars and Tomislav Medak (Memory of the World / CPC)  | Power Makes Us Sick (PMS) | Gilbert B. Rodman (University of Minnesota) | Zoe Romano (WeMake / Opencare.cc) | Deborah Streahle (Yale) | Nick Titus (Four Thieves Vinegar Collective) | Kim Trogal (UCA) | Ana Vilenica (LSBU) | Kandis Williams (Cassandra Press) | Kitty Worthing (Docs Not Cops) + James Skinner (Medact) | John Wilbanks (Sage Bionetworks/ FasterCures).
-
 **Contact:** info@pirate.care

content/annex/biotranslab.md

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+---
+title: "BioTRANSLab"
+mentioned_in: ["/topic/transhackfeminism.md"]
+---
+
+# Concept and Context
+
+Biotranslab. Bio.electro.chemistry and their intra active entanglements. Bio-trans-lab, conceived and coordinated by Paula Pin from Pechblendalab[^1], is one of the multiple disruptive nodes of Hackteria[^2], a nomadic laboratory open to experimentation with the body and technology, based on the proposal to learn by doing. As a queer transhackfeminist science laboratory(s), this lab seeks the opening of a particular space-time, a place for the confluence of cyber-cyborgs, cyberwitches and alchemists.
+
+An invitation to experiment and be traversed by the practical experience of noiSEX disturbance, DIWO (do-it-with-others) or DIT (do-it-together) tools, fluids and non-static bodies. It is precisely this extended and non-static body, the tentacular, becoming the condition of possibility to be crossed by the performativity of matter, moving us beyond mere individuality, performing science through collective doings.
+
+Starting from the review of evolutionary biology in the contemporary context, the origin of life is understood here as a turbulence of fluids, a metaphor of the new biosophies of collision, friction and symbiosis of entities. One of the biotranslab proposals is to think of us as a constantly changing subject, multiple existences that are no longer defined and do not focus on the division between object and subject. A configuration of other possible narratives that no longer conform to the binarism inherited from modern Western culture.
+
+We flow and become, change and tans-form (c) tion, we are the constant re-articulation of complex entities, of uncertain transits and bio-processes, we are meta-organic entities, degenerate post.formations, we are the negation of the pre-existence through the traces that leave the desire and the affections.
+
+# Open Science Friction
+
+Affections that propose an Open Science Friction feel it as a set of noises, a sound disturbance against the systemic reductionism of the science, the collective articulation of a degenerated existence.
+
+In this context, the lab is understood as a collective ritual of fluids, an entanglement of bodies, devices, codes, frequencies and waves.
+
+BioTRANSlab is entangled in Open Science Friction, a biohacker perspective that conceives knowledge from the experience of the body, an expression and transformation of the inherited self, a distancing of individuality through friction and connection.
+
+# Performance of knowledge
+
+This performance of knowledge (Karen Barad) is for Pin essentially the process of learning by doing, the body is rubbing with other agencies and through which are constantly made changes that modify the results, which involves a constant flow through the cracks of space-time. A fermentation, a movement of transit that moves quickly towards an explosive and expansive movement, towards radical experiments, towards a strong collective confidence.
+
+It moves in the attempt to escape from the biopolitical codes that hold our body(s) to relate in a different way, to re-articulate an open ecosystem, beyond the anthropocentric paradigm.
+
+An expanded soul-searching of free technologies, situated knowledge, biopunk, cyborg_witches, hardware, software and wetware.
+
+[^1]: Pechblenda lab is a interdisciplinary lab for reserch into bio-electrical-chemical  devices, originally started by members Pin, Klau and Julito. Pechblenda lab was born out of the necessity to generate a space in Calafou (a community in a large former industrial space 50 Km out of Barcelona – see: calafou.org) for us to flourish, a non-patriarchal TransHackFeminist space where free knowledge springs from raw experimentation (electronic repairs, experiments with turbines, bioelectrochemistry, sound .... ) and self-education.
+
+[^2]: Hackteria is a webplatform, network and collection of Open Source Biological Art Projects instigated in 2009 with the aim of developing a wiki-based web resource for people interested in or developing projects that involve bioart, open source software/hardware, DIY biology, art/science collaborations and electronic experimentation.

content/annex/memoryoftheworld.md

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+---
+title: "Memory of the World"
+mentioned_in: ["/topic/politicisingpiracy.md"]
+---
+
+# Scenarios for massive disobedience
+
+> A public library is:
+> * *·* free access to books for every member of society
+> * *·* library catalog 
+> * *·* librarian 
+> 
+> With books ready to be shared, meticulously cataloged, everyone is a librarian. When everyone is librarian, library is everywhere.
+
+Since 2012 [Memory of the World](https://www.memoryoftheworld.org) has been developing and publicly supporting scenarios for massive disobedience against the intellectual property regime regulating the production and circulation of knowledge in the digital realm. Its starting point was simple: that the public library is the institutional form societies have devised to make knowledge and culture accessible to all their members regardless of social or economic status.
+
+# The public library and the shadow libraries
+
+There is a political consensus that this principle of access is fundamental to the purpose of a modern society. Yet, as digital networks have radically expanded the access to literature and scientific research, public libraries have largely been denied the ability to extend to digital ‘objects’ the kind of de-commodified access they provide in the world of print.
+
+As the readers have been thus denied the access to knowledge due to territorial, institutional and economic divides, they have resorted to creating their own systems of access by sharing PDFs and building shadow libraries, doing for access to knowlede what public libraries were not allowed to do in the digital world.
+
+Memory of the World is aimed at helping to fill the space that remains denied to real-world public libraries. Obviously it is not alone in this effort. There are many other shadow libraries, some more public, some more secretive, working to help people share books. And the practice of sharing is massive.
+
+# Amateur librarianship
+
+Memory of the World makes a case for the institution of public library and expansion of its principle of the universal access to knowledge into the digital realm. However, it also is an exploration of a distributed infrastructure for amateur librarians.
+
+Public Library is a collection of collections maintained by amateur librarians. It draws its inspiration and builds upon the efforts of **aaaaarg**, **Library Genesis**, **Monoskop**, **UbuWeb** and **Textz.com**  to create a networked infrastructure of universal access to knowledge. Memory of the World’s aim is to promote, connect and improve that infrastructure.
+
+It does so through:
+
+* · digitization projects focusing on politics of memory:
+  * · [Catalogue of Liberated Books (K_O_K)](https://kok.memoryoftheworld.org/)
+  * · [Praxis (digitized)](https://praxis.memoryoftheworld.org/)
+  * · [Herman's Library](http://herman.memoryoftheworld.org/)
+  * · [Otpisane (The Written-Off)](https://otpisane.memoryoftheworld.org/)
+* · software development:
+  * · aggregation of collections at http://library.memoryoftheworld.org
+  * · Calibre plugin [let’s share books] (obsoleted)
+  * · [Accorder](https://pypi.org/project/accorder/)
+* · building of DIY bookscanners
+* · workflows of [digitization](https://knowledge-production.github.io/forge/tutorials/book-digitization.html) and [amateur librarianship](http://tom.medak.click/en/amateur/).
+
+
+
+{{< raw >}}
+<div class="spacer1"></div>
+{{< /raw >}}
+{{< figure src="/images/169.png" width="100%" title="Figure 1. Memory of the World book scanner built by Voja Antonić and the Pirate Care Syllabus book printed out from the PDF generated by Sandpoints." >}}
+{{< raw >}}
+<div class="spacer2"></div>
+{{< /raw >}}

content/annex/planka.md

@@ -0,0 +1,45 @@
+---
+title: "Planka.nu"
+mentioned_in: ["/topic/politicisingpiracy.md"]
+---
+
+#  Fight for a fare-free public transportation
+
+Planka.nu fights for fare-free public transportation, where workers and commuters are in charge. We also want to topple the traffic power structure, where cities are built for cars and mobility is forced upon us.
+
+
+>In the year 2000 we started protests against the planned fare hikes. A lot of us had enough money for a bus pass one month, but maybe not the next one. We wanted to do something more than just protest the latest fare hike. We wanted free public transport. Instead of being alone and poor, we want to become united and powerful. Planka.nu was founded in 2001 by the Syndicalist Youth Federation. We have been an independent organisation since 2003.
+
+The main component of the campaign has been the **P-kassan** (P-fund). It’s a fund where members pay a monthly fee, and the fund pays back any tickets people might receive from controllers. The fund has a few hundred members, and membership costs 100 SEK per month. This price has been the same for 18 years!
+
+The fund has helped Planka.nu to be a long-term organisation, and provided independent financial backing for things like leaflets and action materials. 
+
+While Planka.nu mostly have focused on the ticket prices, they quickly realized that the price is a part of politics in general. And especially, encountering the question of urban free-ways that were using funds originally destined for public transportation. 
+
+That realization expanded the field of their action.
+
+{{< figure src="/images/hackitat.png" width="100%" title="Figure2. A feature on Planka.nu - a 'layer' on direct action from the documentary Hackitat, 2020, 7'17\". (Courtesy of Hackitat production group)" >}}
+
+# We need to prioritize public transportation instead of cars
+
+In the long run, a free public transportation would lead to other positive effects, like a better urban environment with less traffic jams. Today car traffic is prioritized at the expense of public transportation. Roads are financed by tax money and are free to use, but the public transportation is financed by fares. It is rather strange that the authorities punish those who choose the means of travel that benefit the environment.
+
+# Freeriding fund
+
+**United we stand strong!** P-kassan - the fund - is a cooperation between people in similar situations. We can not afford the fare or do not want to pay it. You pay a small amount to the fund and if you get caught freeriding, your fine is payed by the fund. The idea of this fund is not new. It has been tried before and in use for quite some time, especially by students in the university cities, and has worked well even at a small scale.
+
+> The difference is that we have a greater goal than just helping each other to freeride. We want fare-free public transportation, owned by us together and controlled by the workers in it.
+
+# Everyone will benefit from a free transportation
+
+In Stockholm, all those who make less then 75 000 kronor per month (about 8300 euros) would benefit by letting a small tax raise finance the public transportation. A free public transportation is a way of taking from the richest and giving to the rest of us. It is about time for that kind of redistribution in our segregated cities.
+
+And think about the socio-economic gains that could be achieved by getting rid of all the ticket lines, tickets and control systems. Lots of money goes to these systems which leads to nothing but a bad mood in our common spaces.
+
+{{< raw >}}
+<div class="spacer1"></div>
+{{< /raw >}}
+{{< figure src="/images/169.png" width="100%" title="Figure 2. The Traffic Power Structure presents a manifesto penned by the Sweden-based activist network Planka.nu, offering a critique of the automobile society, analyzing the connections between traffic, the environment, and class, and outlines its political vision. The topics explored along the way include Bruce Springsteen, science fiction magazines, high-speed trains, nuclear power, the security-industrial complex, happiness research, and volcano eruptions." >}}
+{{< raw >}}
+<div class="spacer2"></div>
+{{< /raw >}}

content/annex/seawatch.md

@@ -0,0 +1,36 @@
+---
+title: "Sea-Watch"
+mentioned_in: ["/topic/searescue.md"]
+---
+
+# Sea rescue
+
+[Sea-Watch](https://sea-watch.org/en/) is a civilian search and rescue organisation helping migrants survive arguably the deadliest migration route in the world — the short stretch of the Mediterranean Sea leading from Northern Africa to South Europe. Since 2014 over 600,000 migrants have made the passage, yet over 16,000 have been confirmed to have perished in shipwrecks.
+
+The Sea-Watch grew out of an initiative of volunteers who could no longer stand by watching as people were drowning. In late 2014 they banded together to acquire a 20m sea cutter and in May of 2015 the Sea-Watch I was in Lampedusa to start its first mission — pushing the Euorpean Union-coordinated sea rescue operations by conducting search for boats in distress and navigating larger ships to take people on board and bring them to a safety in European ports.
+
+{{< figure src="/images/seawatch.jpeg" width="100%" title="Figure 1. Sea-Watch 4. Photo: Crhis Grodotzki/Sea-Watch" >}}
+
+# Externalisation of EU borders
+
+Earlier in the decade, after a series of major shipwrecks, EU-states, especially Italy, temporarily committed itself to prevent further loss of life at their southern border. Only in 2014, the Italian-led Mare Nostrum operation brought at least 150,000 migrants to Europe. However, with the so-called refugee crisis of 2016, the EU made an about-turn, rescinding its obligations under the Geneva Refugee Convention, Charter of Fundamental Rights of European Union and other human rights norms to strike a deal with Turkey to hold back refugees.
+
+In early 2017 this lead to an increase in crossings in the Central Mediterranean. Set on keeping the refugees outside its borders at any cost, the EU tasked the paramilitary Libyan Coast Guard to conduct search and rescue operations and bring the migrants back to Libya, where they face inhumane conditions, detention and persecution. While the externalisation of EU borders to Libya has significantly reduced the number of crossings, the dangerous actions of the Libyan Coast Guard amounting to violent pushback have, in equal measure, increased the rate of deaths.
+
+# Criminalisation of civilian search and rescue
+
+In May 2016 the Sea-Watch II was for the first time instructed to take the rescuees on board. With the rollback of the EU's commitment, the civilian search and rescue organisations such as SOS Mediterranée, Doctors without Borders, Jugend Rettet and Sea-Watch were the only one left to actively save people at sea. The about-turn also lead to the denial of entry to Italian and Maltese ports, where civilian sea and rescue ships could bring refugees to safety, culminating in the seizing of Jugend Rettet's Iuventa under the captain Pia Klemp in August 2017 and the arrest of captain Carola Rackete in July 2019.
+
+# Present operations
+
+The civilian sea and rescue organisations are [estimated to have saved 100,000 lives since 2014](https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/The-CMR-The-deadliest-migration-route.pdf). Where in 2016 there where up to 13 ships constantly operated a variety of civil society actors, Sea-Watch is now one of only 6 NGOs still resisting EU’s clamp-down – with all of their ships more often detained in port than in action. Currently, Sea-Watch operates the 55m Sea-Watch 3, the 60m Sea-Watch 4 in cooperation with Doctors without Borders and two reconnaissance planes Moonbird and Seabird. Just lately an autonomous search and rescue group, significantly comprised of Sea-Watch activists and funded by British street artist Banksy, launched the 31m fast patrol boat Louise Michel.
+
+Sea-Watch considers its mission only a patch applied against a symptom, whereas the real solution is political — securing a safe passage for all migrants.
+
+{{< raw >}}
+<div class="spacer1"></div>
+{{< /raw >}}
+{{< figure src="/images/sea-watch.jpg" width="100%" title="Figure 2: Chris Grodotzki: Two interviews with Giorgia Linardi, Sea-watch - Italian Representative & Legal Advisor, August 2016 & October 2019, 12'45\". (Courtesy of Chris Grodotzki)" >}}
+{{< raw >}}
+<div class="spacer2"></div>
+{{< /raw >}}

content/annex/soprasotto.md

@@ -0,0 +1,40 @@
+---
+title: "SopraSotto - A Pirate Kindergarten"
+mentioned_in: ["/session/howtobuildapiratekindergarteninyourneighbourhood.md"]
+---
+
+
+# Organization
+
+**SopraSotto** is a self-organized project for early childhood care founded in 2013 in Milan and maintained by a group of parents who share a completely transformed work context compared to the previous generations. Many families that are taking part in the project – either couples or single parents, heterosexual or homosexual parents, natives of Milan or new arrivals to the city – have to face an economic precarity which has generated new needs that cannot be fully met by public models of early childhood care, since they are organized around a working population that no longer represents the majority, particularly in a large metropolis such as Milan.
+
+{{< figure src="/images/soprasotto.jpg" width="100%" title="Figure 1. The trapezoid table can be used on its own or as a modular part of a larger table. The shape of the table enables different compositions and purposes: playing in groups, eating in a circle, drawing alone, … The handle in the middle makes it easy to move around and keeps the surface level." >}}
+
+SopraSotto is managed by a group of parents and teachers who meet monthly and who take decisions on organizational issues, such as coordinating the maintenance and repair of the space and the projects related to the pedagogical activities.
+
+The main characteristics of the lab are:
+
+## Self-management
+
+Through the active participation of parents and coordination through contemporary communication devices, SopraSotto is entirely organized by those who use it. There are no "service" roles, but interchangeable ones, on a rotating schedule, that ensure:
+- the daily organization of work;
+- the feeding of children and teachers;
+- the maintenance and repair of the space and its objects;
+- the organization of thematic activities and workshops for children;
+- administration;
+- general coordination.
+
+
+## An open environment
+
+As a place for early childhood development and socialization, a place where the first separation of the child from parents occurs, SopraSotto was conceived as an open and accessible environment. If parents desire so, they can become an integral part of the everyday environment. This allows SopraSotto to attend not only to the child's need for growth and autonomy but also to parents' feelings about separation and their need to meet other people who are going through a similar experience. For example, if parents want to continue breastfeeding during the day or if they have time to develop a specific pedagogical thematic path in agreement with the group, SopraSotto gives them the possibility to do so.
+
+
+## Embeddedness in the neighbourhood
+
+SopraSotto is collaborating closely with the associations and informal groups in the neighbourhood. For example, the communal garden "Isola Pepe Verde" hosts the lab during the summer, offering a play area and some contact with plants and nature, while the local GAS (Solidarity Purchase Group) network provides the first seasonal food products that the parents cook and the teachers give out to children. In addition, in a typical workshop day, kids make the trips to the market, to the library and to the craft shops.
+
+
+## Food as education
+
+Food is considered an important element in children's education. From the selection of groceries to food preparation, parents build on each other's knowledge to enable the children to acquire a first-hand, lived and healthy relationship with food. SopraSotto chooses seasonal produce, cultivated locally, and it embraces a food philosophy that focuses not only on nourishment but also food culture.

content/annex/trapezoidtable.md

@@ -0,0 +1,18 @@
+---
+title: "Trapezoid table"
+mentioned_in: ["/annex/soprasotto.md"]
+---
+
+# Blueprints
+
+{{< figure src="/images/table1.png" width="100%" title="Page1. Instructions." >}}
+{{< figure src="/images/table2.png" width="100%" title="Page2. Instructions." >}}
+{{< raw >}}
+<div class="spacer2"></div>
+{{< /raw >}}
+
+# Credits
+[Soprasotto](http://soprasottomilano.it/) is a self managed kindergarten created in Milan in 2013 by a group of parents and educators. The purpose of this kindergarten is to make up for the lack of places in the public kindergartens and to create a space for both kids and adults, closer to the ongoing transformations in working conditions and family forms. This kit is done by Lyne Dumoulin & Poorvik Patel between 14 May and 6 July 2018, with the support of [WeMake](http://wemake.cc/), within the EU funded project [DSI4eu](http://wemake.cc/digitalsocial/).
+{{< raw >}}
+<div class="spacer1"></div>
+{{< /raw >}}

content/annex/womenonwaves.md

@@ -0,0 +1,74 @@
+---
+title: "Women on Waves"
+mentioned_in: ["/topic/piratecareintroduction.md"]
+---
+
+# 1999 
+
+[Women on Waves](https://www.womenonwaves.org/) is a non-governmental organisation registered in the Netherlands founded in 1999 by Dutch physician Rebecca Gomperts to prevent unsafe abortions and unwanted pregnancies. The organisation provides sexual health services and education to women in countries with restrictive laws around reproductive rights. Research has shown these restrictions mostly harm women living in poverty, survivors of domestic violence, and young people under the age of 18 who need abortion care.
+
+This is how WoW introduces themselves on their website: 
+> Women on Waves aims to prevent unsafe abortions and empower women to exercise their human rights to physical and mental autonomy. We trust that women can do a medical abortion themselves and make sure that women have access to medical abortion and information through innovative strategies. But ultimately it is about giving women the tools to resist repressive cultures and laws. Not every woman has the possibility to be a public activist but there are things we can all do ourselves.
+    
+Other services offered by WoW include contraception, individual reproductive counseling, workshops, and education about unwanted pregnancy. Workshops are conducted for lawyers, doctors, artists, writers, public health care activists, as well as for women and men to learn about contraceptive practices and non-surgical, DIY abortion using RU-486.
+
+Women on Waves are a particularly fitting figure to introduce the notion of a pirate care practice, as they utilise pirate strategies in both senses of the term: as piracy at sea and in the sense of disobedience using digital tools. 
+
+# On Waves
+
+Women on Waves sails a ship registered in the Netherlands to countries where abortion is illegal. By anchoring the boat outside territorial waters, they are able to provide contraceptives, information, training, workshops, and safe and legal abortion services to local women who need them. They are able to do so because in international waters local laws do not apply. Applicability of national penal legislation, and thus also of abortion law, extends only to territorial waters; outside that 12-mile radius (or 2 hours sailing) off the coast of a country. It is thus Dutch law that applies on board of Women on Waves’ ship, which means that all their activities are legal.
+
+However, in June 2009 the Dutch government changed the abortion law and claimed that the early abortion services Women on Waves used to provide legally on board the ship now fall under the criminal law. Women on Waves disagreed with this interpretation by the Dutch government. The original law has since been upheld and Women on Waves have been able to continue its activities legally. In 2018, the organisation received a license to perform abortions with pills (misoprostol with or without mifepristone) on board of a Dutch sailing yacht in international waters.
+
+The boat travels with a specialised abortion doctor, a gynaecologist, and a specialised nurse so early medical abortions can be provided not only legally, buy also safely and professionally, even exceeding the highest standards for normal abortion services in the Netherlands and other EU countries. 
+
+With their ship missions, Women on Waves wants to respond to an urgent medical need but also, crucially, to draw public attention to the consequences of unwanted pregnancy and illegal abortion. Women on Waves has created enormous public interest after successful ship campaigns in Ireland (2001), Poland (2003), Portugal (2004) and Spain (2008).  Women on Waves always works in close cooperation with local organisations and further supports their efforts to change the laws in their country. The campaign in Portugal catalysed the legalisation of abortion in February 2007, for instance. WoW also works with local partners to create safe abortion telephone hotlines, in countries such as Ecuador (2008) and Chile (2009).
+
+{{< raw >}}
+<div class="spacer1"></div>
+{{< /raw >}}
+{{< figure src="/images/vessel.png" width="100%" title="Figure 2. Diana Whitten: Vessel, 2014, 90'. (Courtesy of Diana Whitten)" >}}
+{{< raw >}}
+<div class="spacer2"></div>
+{{< /raw >}}
+
+# Digital disobedience
+
+As mentioned, Women on Waves embody the perfect figure of the pirate carer not only because of their resourceful and effective use of international maritime laws but also because of the ways in which they use digital technologies to disobey laws that take away women’s right to bodily autonomy and informed decision making. They saw the internet as a sea too, across which they have been able to provide abortion services across borders through their sister organisation, Women on Web. 
+
+## Abortion Robots 
+
+Like the other Women on Waves campaigns, the [Abortion Robot](https://www.womenonwaves.org/en/page/7524/abortion-robots) is using the different legalities concerning abortion in the different countries. The robot operated from the Netherlands is delivering the pills to the woman after she has been counselled by a doctor through the robot. Counselling the woman and providing the abortion pills is allowed in the country where the robot operator is based, so through the distant operation of the robot the abortion service is legal. So far Women on Waves has used the Abortion Robot in Northern Ireland and Poland.
+
+## Abortion Drones
+
+The Abortion Drone has been used in recent campaigns in Poland (2015) and Ireland (2016). The drone flies abortion pills from one country to women in another country. Using the different legislations and regulations, it makes the reality of women in countries where abortion is restricted visible by creating access to the abortion pills. (see Figure 1)
+
+# On Web
+
+Women on Web is the sister organisation of Women on Waves.
+Founded in 2005 by Dr. Rebecca Gomperts, this Canadian non-profit organisation assisting women and pregnant people worldwide to gain access to safe telemedical abortion. By using telecommunications technology, Women on Web has answered over 1 million help requests via emails and provided region- and country-specific information about safe abortion options in 22 languages.
+
+People who need safe abortion or contraception can make an online consultation at Women on Web website. After being reviewed by medical doctors, medical abortion pills or contraceptives are provided via mail. Their help desk team accompanies women and pregnant people during all stages of the process and responds to any questions that may arise within 24 hours. Supervised by medical doctors, the help desk operates in 16 languages, including Arabic, English, French, German, Japanese, Korean, Hungarian, Indonesian, Italian, Persian, Polish, Portuguese, Russian, Spanish, Thai, and Turkish.
+
+The Women on Web website is a source of reliable information and collects personal abortion experiences to allow and encourage women and pregnant people to openly explore and discuss their reproductive choices. They are committed to ensure that all women and pregnant people have access to scientific and evidence-based information on safe abortion and contraception.
+
+The mission of Women on Web is to advocate for and facilitate access to contraception and safe abortion services to protect women's health and lives around the world. The organisation works to catalyse procedural and legal change in abortion access through telemedicine, research, community outreach, and advocacy. They write:
+
+> We strive for a world where safe abortion care is accessible for all women and pregnant people, free from shame and stigma.
+
+## Internet Campaigns 
+
+The work of Women on Waves and Women on Web is often considered controversial and their materials have been censored by sites such as Facebook and Google. 
+
+On May 4th, Google released the results of its second Core Update of 2020. Women on Web saw a 90% drop in the website’s traffic as a result, a massive loss by comparison to previous updates and a troubling impact on abortion access. WoW have been questioning Google’s assurance that its updates are neutral and more broadly advocating for more transparency and public means to keep in check the “digital redlining” implemented by giant tech companies.
+
+Since Women on Web website is censored in some countries, the organisation also teach activists ways to bypass the blockages.
+
+WoW has protested against the restrictions of publishing information in cyberspace, invoking Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This article states "Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers." 
+
+## Safe abortion App
+
+Despite these difficulties, WoW keeps fighting for the right to express their ideas and share information on the internet. For this reason, they have also created a "Safe Abortion with Pills" App, which is available for free from the Google Play store for android phones.
+
+_The present text is based on a remix of various statements by Women on Waves and Women on Web that are available on their websites._

content/download/_index.md

@@ -9,16 +9,7 @@ We encourage everyone to freely use this Syllabus to learn and organise processe
 ## Download
 You can download a standalone version of the Pirate Care Syllabus that you can store on your computer, a thumb drive or a server, and open from your browser. The download contains the latest version of all of the topics and sessions in the Syllabus and the library collection with most of the texted references in the Syllabus.
 
-1) Download executable file for your operating system:
-
-    * [Linux](https://gitlab.com/marcellmars/downloadpiratecare/-/raw/main/download_exe/downloadpiratecare_linux.exe?inline=false)
-    * [WINDOWS](https://gitlab.com/marcellmars/downloadpiratecare/-/raw/main/download_exe/downloadpiratecare_windows.exe?inline=false)
-    * [OSX](https://gitlab.com/marcellmars/downloadpiratecare/-/raw/main/download_exe/downloadpiratecare_osx.exe?inline=false)
-
-2) Place the downloaded file somewhere on your hard disk.
-3) Make it executable. (e.g. chmod +x downloadpiratecare_osx.exe)
-4) Run it (e.g. ./downloadpiratecare_linux.exe)
-5) It will download syllabus in piratecare/ directory next to the executable file.
+[DOWNLOAD PORTABLE STANDALONE SYLLABUS (~1.6 GB) ](https://syllabus.pirate.care/library/PortablePirateCareSyllabus.tgz)
 
 ## Browse
 You can obviously peruse the Syllabus on our server. To do so proceed here:  

content/exhibition/learningfromdisobedience.md

@@ -0,0 +1,27 @@
+---
+title: "Pirate Care: Learning From Disobedience"
+---
+
+> We live in a world where captains get arrested for saving people's lives on the sea; where a person downloading scientific articles faces 35 years in jail; where people risk charges for bringing contraceptives to those who otherwise couldn't get them. Folks are getting in trouble for giving food to the poor, medicine to the sick, water to the thirsty, shelter to the homeless. And yet our heroines care and disobey. They are pirates.
+
+The exhibition *Pirate Care* is an introduction to the increasingly present forms of activism at the intersection of "care" and "piracy", which are trying to intervene in one of the most important challenges of our time, that is, the "crisis of care".
+
+Throughout our lives we depend on the support of our family, friends, strangers and institutions to sustain ourselves - and to sustain the world in which we and the future generations have to live. That social and ecological interdependency defines the relations of care. The effort to sustain them the labour of care.
+
+Yet, the convergence of processes that include the rollback of welfare, imposition of workfare, attacks on reproductive rights and the criminalisation of migration have denied that vital support to many.
+
+Against these processes, the practices of pirate care share a readiness to disobey laws and orders whenever these stand in the way of solidarity — and politicise that disobedience to change the *status quo*. That makes them *pirate* care.
+
+The exhibition builds on the *Pirate Care Syllabus*. The first version of the Syllabus was created in November 2019 during a writing retreat in Rijeka with the activists of pirate care. We have originally planned to organise in September of this year a get-together to collectively learn from the Syllabus. This was not meant to be.
+
+Nonetheless, here you are. We invite you to learn from the practices of pirate care. We invite you to mirror them in solidarity!
+
+
+_Valeria Graziano, Marcell Mars and Tomislav Medak_
+
+{{< raw >}}
+<div class="ack">
+The Pirate Care project was initiated at Coventry University's Centre for Postdigital Cultures and developed with the support of Rijeka 2020 - European Capital of Culture and Kunsthalle Wien. Produced by Drugo More.
+</div>
+<div class="pagination">▒▒ 🐟 ▒ ▒▒▒🐙▒▒▒🏃 ▒▒☄▒ PAGE: 0 ▒ ▒▒▒▒ ⚡ ▒🔍▒☠▒ ▒▒▒</div>
+{{< raw >}}

content/session/agriculturalpipeline.md

@@ -3,31 +3,30 @@ title: "The agricultural pipeline"
 ---
 
 
-Among the many systemic flows that the coronavirus emergency has brought to light there is also the unsustainability of capitalist industrial model of agricultural production. The supplies that sustain the nutritional needs of millions of people are organised across global chains of production that are unequal as they are unsustainable.
+Among the many systemic flows that the coronavirus emergency has brought to light there is also the unsustainability of capitalist industrial model of agricultural production. The supplies that sustain the nutritional needs of millions of people are organised across global chains of production that are unequal as they are unsustainable. 
 
-One of the issues of the industrial agricultural model is the length of the supply chains, which makes them vulnerable to potential bottlenecks. Yet another problem for many countries is their dependency on far away producers who might decide to reduce or suspend imports during a crisis. Not to mention the overall environmental impact of agro-business (see ![](session:coronavirusandenvironmentalcrisis.md).
+One of the issues of the industrial agricultural model is the length of the supply chains, which makes them vulnerable to potential bottlenecks. Yet another problem for many countries is their dependency on far away producers who might decide to reduce or suspend imports during a crisis. Not to mention the overall environmental impact of agro-business (see ![](session:coronavirusandenvironmentalcrisis.md). 
 
-In this session, we consider specifically the pirate care initiatives that are confronting one specific aspect of the food supply chain: the fact that limitations on movement and the closure of borders to face the epidemic are causing a shortage of cheap labor, often of foreign origin, on which industrial agriculture is based. The considitions in which this kind of agricultural labour is undertaken are often brutal, facing extremely low wages and long hours; informal arrengements with the employers that are mediated by organised crime cartels; mixed with the constant fears associated with the status of being an irregular migrant subject to racism and social discrimination. Many seasonal workers are also refusing to migrate for the season as they fear for their health and of not being able to get back to their countries of origin.
+In this session, we consider specifically the pirate care initiatives that are confronting one specific aspect of the food supply chain: the fact that limitations on movement and the closure of borders to face the epidemic are causing a shortage of cheap labor, often of foreign origin, on which industrial agriculture is based. The considitions in which this kind of agricultural labour is undertaken are often brutal, facing extremely low wages and long hours; informal arrengements with the employers that are mediated by organised crime cartels; mixed with the constant fears associated with the status of being an irregular migrant subject to racism and social discrimination. Many seasonal workers are also refusing to migrate for the season as they fear for their health and of not being able to get back to their countries of origin. 
 
 Below some resources to support our collective learning and mobilizing around this issue.
 
 
-# Initiatives / demands
+# Initiatives / demands 
 
 *(concrete pirate care and bottom-up practices, both emerging and pre-exisitng)*
 
-In Italy, the ngo Terra! and the trade union Flai CGIL call for an amnesty against the Coronavirus, to ensure access to care and clean work for those who live in the ghettos of our country. The proposal was launched in an open letter addressed to the President of the Republic, Sergio Mattarella, and Ministers Teresa Bellanova (Agriculture), Nunzia Catalfo (Work), Lamorgese (Interior), Roberto Speranza (Health) and Provenzano (South).
-
+In Italy, the ngo Terra! and the trade union Flai CGIL call for an amnesty against the Coronavirus, to ensure access to care and clean work for those who live in the ghettos of our country. The proposal was launched in an open letter addressed to the President of the Republic, Sergio Mattarella, and Ministers Teresa Bellanova (Agriculture), Nunzia Catalfo (Work), Lamorgese (Interior), Roberto Speranza (Health) and Provenzano (South). 
 SOURCE: [Regolarizzare i braccianti stranieri per proteggerli dal Coronavirus e dal caporalato](http://www.terraonlus.it/2020/03/20/regolarizzare-braccianti-coronavirus-caporalato/), 20 Mrch 2020. 
 
-# Other news
+# Other news 
 
 *(other news that impact the situation)*
 
 In the UK, where 98% of harvest workers are migrants, the industry has issued a campain called 'Feed the Nation', which calls for a 'land army of employees' to support British farmers and growers. Yet, despite the campaign targeting "students, job seekers and anyone who has been laid off work due to the impact of Covid-19, such as those working in hospitality and catering", only 10,000 people signed up to pick fruit and vegetables, leaving around 90,000 positions still vacant.
 
 From the [Feed the Nation ad](https://www.concordiavolunteers.org.uk/feed-the-nation), Concordia Volunteers:
-> Working on farms can be tough – It can be hard work, long hours, early starts, in sometimes difficult weather conditions. We want to be open and honest with you. You will be at least paid minimum wage and many farms pay National Living Wage or more, depending on how much fruit and/or vegetables you harvest, and the role you do on the farm.
+> Working on farms can be tough – It can be hard work, long hours, early starts, in sometimes difficult weather conditions. We want to be open and honest with you. You will be at least paid minimum wage and many farms pay National Living Wage or more, depending on how much fruit and/or vegetables you harvest, and the role you do on the farm. 
 
 SOURCES: [Call for Brits to pick fruit and veg amid coronavirus outbreak](https://www.farminguk.com/news/call-for-brits-to-pick-fruit-and-veg-amid-coronavirus-outbreak_55237.html?fbclid=IwAR0_QKOUQfn7rdG6kkgSIKu7Fr7fvpF8Qnd9qXllJ1sH7TSVB_tJiF76Z-Y)
 [Government urged to charter planes to bring farm workers to UK](https://www.farminguk.com/news/government-urged-to-charter-planes-to-bring-farm-workers-to-uk_55326.html)
@@ -35,15 +34,15 @@ SOURCES: [Call for Brits to pick fruit and veg amid coronavirus outbreak](https:
 From Austria: [Hauptsache billig: Was Corona über die Ausbeutung von Erntearbeiter innen verrät](https://mosaik-blog.at/erntearbeiter-ausbeutung-corona-sezonieri/), an article by the Sezonieri campaign about the current situation, placing it in the context of prevailing practice in agricultural seasonal work.
 
 
-# Commentaries
+# Commentaries 
 
 *(critical thinking / analysis pieces - also not corona-specific, but about the issue in focus)*
 
-# Other resources
+# Other resources 
 
 *(links to other repositories, syllabi, practical adivses, how-to, etc.)*
 
 
 [Sezonieri (AT)](http://www.sezonieri.at/en/startseite_en/)
 
-Sezonieri.at are a coalition of PRO-GE trade union with agricultural workers´ activists. They cooperate with non-governmental organizations which stand up for the rights of harvest workers. They represent the interests of agricultural workers. They want to prevent the exploitation of farm workers, improve their working conditions, and have the experience to enforce rights – if necessary – through the courts and with public authorities / administrative bodies.
+Sezonieri.at are a coalition of PRO-GE trade union with agricultural workers´ activists. They cooperate with non-governmental organizations which stand up for the rights of harvest workers. They represent the interests of agricultural workers. They want to prevent the exploitation of farm workers, improve their working conditions, and have the experience to enforce rights – if necessary – through the courts and with public authorities / administrative bodies.

content/session/antipsychiatrymadpride.md

@@ -2,7 +2,7 @@
 title: "Antipsychiatry, Mad Pride, and a History of Survivor-Led Organizing"
 ---
 
-Here we want to look at some critical perspectives that come out of the experience of attempting to 'treat' or being treated within the psychiatric context.
+Here we want to look at some critical perspectives that come out of the experience of attempting to 'treat' or being treated within the psychiatric context. 
 
 # Recommended Reading
 
@@ -11,27 +11,27 @@ Here we want to look at some critical perspectives that come out of the experien
 - ![](bib:0a76cb15-fbc9-458a-a80c-725e5a0b1e6b)
 
 - ![](bib:f60c7b54-1515-45bd-bd9c-52b53a551a89) & ![](bib:f60c7b54-1515-45bd-bd9c-52b53a551a89), Voice Collective
-  - Voice Collective is a UK-wide, London-based project that supports children and young people who hear voices, see visions, have other     ‘unusual’ sensory experiences or beliefs. We also offer support for     parents/families, and training for youth workers, social workers, mental health professionals and other supporters.
+  - Voice Collective is a UK-wide, London-based project that supports children and young people who hear voices, see visions, have other     ‘unusual’ sensory experiences or beliefs. We also offer support for     parents/families, and training for youth workers, social workers, mental     health professionals and other supporters. 
 
 - Compassion for Voices: A Tale of Courage and Hope”, Compassion for Voices
   - http://compassionforvoices.com/videos/compassion-for-voices-film
-  - A website to support and promote compassionate approaches to voices and other experiences. Workshops, trainings, resources. This short film outlines their approach.
+  - A website to support and promote compassionate approaches to voices and other experiences. Workshops, trainings, resources. This short film outlines their approach. 
 
-- Watch "PROTEST PSYCHIATRY - protesting the American Psychiatric Association (APA)" https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FGcL6ntKuR0&feature=emb_title to hear firsthand what some of the folks there have to say
+- Watch "PROTEST PSYCHIATRY - protesting the American Psychiatric Association (APA)" https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FGcL6ntKuR0&feature=emb_title to hear firsthand what some of the folks there have to say 
 
 # Further Reading
 
 - ![](bib:d8259fc1-e293-41cc-9786-954fccd4f1b7)
-  - "Schizophrenia has no existence but that of an exploitable fiction. Madness exists as the delusion that consists in really uttering an unsayable truth in an unspeakable situation."
-
+  - "Schizophrenia has no existence but that of an exploitable     fiction. Madness exists as the delusion that consists in really uttering     an unsayable truth in an unspeakable situation."
+	
 - ![](bib:842535dd-2810-45cc-ab1a-b019008908ba)
-  - UNIT 6. Alternative approaches, reformers, antipsychiatry, and defectors from within
-  - UNIT 7.Survivors, users, outsiders, and the push for new practices
-
+  - UNIT 6. Alternative approaches, reformers, antipsychiatry, and defectors from within 
+  - UNIT 7.Survivors, users, outsiders, and the push for new practices 
+	
 -![](bib:0f701735-2783-4b5b-84d0-f35f4ef62c6c)
   - Is the schizo just unable to place or name their desire? or is it a process wreaking havoc on the continuity of society and if so, isn't that exactly what we need more of? How to support the figure of the schizo while avoiding their internal breakdown. Some ongoing questions in the form of pretty theory that's admittedly dense, but with a certain poetry and madness to it as well.
-
+  
 # Discussion
 
-- Are mental health crises or atypical behavior characterized differently by survivors of psychiatric treatment than in some of the other texts we've looked at?
-- What are some of the pillars of the anti-psychiatry movement?
+- Are mental health crises or atypical behavior characterized differently by survivors of psychiatric treatment than in some of the other texts we've looked at? 
+- What are some of the pillars of the anti-psychiatry movement? 

content/session/badcare.md

@@ -4,31 +4,31 @@ title: "Bad Care"
 
 The purpose of this session is to examine the relationships between power and care. A first and obvious dynamic in this relationship is negligence. The study quoted in the readings, on oppression, environmental stress and the long term effects of these on the brain and body shows how western science and research into 'global health' has negelected to look at the interelations between social, physical and mental health. As pirates, we can take this critique much further by insisting that industrial society is profoundly sick and proceed from that premise.
 
-The essay 'Unraveling the Biopsychiatric Knot' focusses specifically on the relationship between neoliberalism and the biomedical/psychiatric approach to 'mental disorders' as codified in diagnostic manuals like the DSM. Again, we might want to go further than this acount and question the social 'safety nets' that neoliberalism has supposedly taken away. What were these 'safety nets', who were they for and who did they exclude? Who benefited and who paid for them? Who administrated them and to what end?
+The essay 'Unraveling the Biopsychiatric Knot' focusses specifically on the relationship between neoliberalism and the biomedical/psychiatric approach to 'mental disorders' as codified in diagnostic manuals like the DSM. Again, we might want to go further than this acount and question the social 'safety nets' that neoliberalism has supposedly taken away. What were these 'safety nets', who were they for and who did they exclude? Who benefited and who paid for them? Who administrated them and to what end? 
 
 An interesting text that departs from these positions is the 'Reclaim Your Mind' manifesto. Insurrectionary anarchist theory and practice is a useful addition, not because it supplies all of the answers to the questions we have been posing, but it opens up some new directions to take.
 
 # Recommended Reading
 
-![Excerpts](session:badcarereadingsexcperts.md) from:
+- excerpt from 'Stress, Oppression & Women’s Mental Health: A Discussion of the Health Consequences of Injustice'- Elizabeth McGibbon & Charmaine McPherson
+  - https://textb.org/t/piratecarepmsbadcare/
 
-- ![](bib:237ed6c9-fa6b-43f7-b97b-18b6fafd71dc)
-
-- ![](bib:d1e92ce9-8d42-4c73-9d3c-84c3cc07f9a7)
+- "Unraveling the Biopsychiatric Knot"- Sascha Altman Du Brul
+  - https://textb.org/t/piratecarepmsbadcare/
 
 - An Urgent Message for all those who have or are in danger of being labelled mentally ill
   - ![](bib:913dd819-c8aa-49d4-82eb-9fb07e23ab9d)
 
-- ![](bib:ee70b46f-f93e-465b-ad11-b488a564ce17)
+- Porpentine, "Hot Allostatic Load"
+  - https://thenewinquiry.com/hot-allostatic-load/
   - Build out of trash. A personal account of experiences with disposability and exile in queer/feminist scenes and the lasting emotional-physical damage abuse causes.
-
 # Further Reading
 
-- ![PMS Issue 1 intro](bib:c7345a4f-22a2-4905-8579-07531deb33c0)
+- PMS Issue 1 intro 
 - Belli Research Institute - UNIT 3.YOU CAN’T DIAGNOSE IN A VACUUM: HOW DIAGNOSTIC SYSTEMS RELATE TO CATEGORIES OF POWER
   - UNIT 4.Captured, treated, or cured
   - ![](bib:842535dd-2810-45cc-ab1a-b019008908ba)
-
+  
 # Discussion
 
 - What forms of 'bad care' have you and those around you encountered?

content/session/badcarereadingsexcperts.md

@@ -1,48 +0,0 @@
----
-title: "Bad Care Readings Excerpts"
----
-
-
-READING 1.
-
-Exract from: - ![](bib:237ed6c9-fa6b-43f7-b97b-18b6fafd71dc)
-
-> The intersections of the social determinants of women’s mental health (SDH) [...] have a profound impact on the body’s stress managing systems— the sympathetic adrenal medulla (SAM) and the hypothalamus-pituitary-adrenal cortex (HYPAC), both located near the brain. The SAM-HYPAC system is structured to deal with everyday stresses in addition to more acute stresses. The system regulates our bodies through short-term stressful times and helps us maintain overall wellness. The problem arises when long-term, chronic stresses, such as those described above, eventually overtax the SAM-HYPAC system. The adrenal system becomes overwhelmed and is unable to maintain physiological balance. The result is adrenal fatigue. Chronic adrenal fatigue causes depression, obesity, hypertension, diabetes, cancer, ulcers, chronic stomach problems, allergies and eczema, autoimmune diseases, headaches, kidney and liver disease, and overall reduced immunity (Varcarolis, 2013). These physical and mental health outcomes of adrenal fatigue are embodied in oppressed peoples. They combine with social and material deprivation and discrimination to create consistently unjust health outcomes and an everyday kind of physical and spiritual suffering that has gone unacknowledged for far too long.
-
---
-
-READING 2.
-
-Extracts from: ![](bib:d1e92ce9-8d42-4c73-9d3c-84c3cc07f9a7)
-
-
-> There are few things as powerful as identifying the manufacturer’s mark on what we have perceived as our personal demons.
-–Aurora Levins Morales
-
-> The biomedical model of psychiatry, or “biopsychiatry,” rests on the belief that mental health issues are the result of chemical imbalances in the brain. This is actually a very new idea, but in a short period of time it has come to be regarded as common sense by a whole lot of people all over the world. More and more, the belief that our dissatisfaction and disease is a result of our individual “brain chemistry” has been desensitizing many of us to the idea that our feelings and experiences often have their roots in social and political issues. We find ourselves with all this medicalized language in our mouths about neurotransmitters and serotonin that doesn’t actually get to the heart of so many of the problems we see around us.
-
-[...]
-
-**1980 Was the Year**
-
-> 1980 is a useful date for understanding the recent transitions in our conceptions of mental health and illness. In 1980, the American Psychiatric Association published the third edition of its Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM-III). The DSM, although it was intentionally written in a style that makes it sound scientifically objective, was a creation of one particular school of psychiatrists at a particular point in history with a particular world-view slanted towards the biomedical model.[i] The 1970s were a socially volatile time: the discipline of psychiatry was under attack on all sides for both being oppressive and “unscientific.” Its makers packaged the DSM as scientific and neutral, reframing the concept of diagnosis from a loose and vague set of descriptions based on Freudian psychoanalysis to a detailed symptom checklist. Today, with the massive support of the pharmaceutical industry, it is accepted as the “Bible” of psychiatry and used as a diagnostic tool all over the world.[ii]
-
-> 1980 was also the year that Ronald Reagan was elected to office in the USA, ushering in what is known as the “neoliberal revolution.” The older “liberalism” has its roots in the 19th century philosophy that emphasized minimal state intervention and free trade. The horrors of the Depression, the specter of Fascism in Europe, and a strong labor movement made the idea of unrestrained free market capitalism less attractive in the 1930’s. The period in history from the 1930s to the 1970s saw the rise of welfare states the US and UK, a philosophy that prioritized social security, public education, and welfare. The 1980s saw the liberalization of trade, business, and industry, massive transfer of wealth from public to private, enormous growth in power of multinational corporations, and the triumph of consumer culture.[iii]
-
-> Obviously these are huge topics that require much time and space to truly unravel. Right now I’m just going to focus on one example of the way biopsychiatry and neoliberalism united to affect our lives: the shifting understanding of “depression.” As I intend to show, Western cultures and increasingly the rest of the world, are coming to relate human sadness and distress to an individual’s brain chemistry. While there is absolutely no scientific proof that this is the case[iv], the biopsychiatric world view helps enable big business to maintain power and fuels the needs of the market based economy.
-
-**The Birth of the DSM: How Sadness Became a “Brain Disease”**
-
-> Modern psychiatry has its roots at the beginning of the industrial revolution and it can be useful to see it as response to the massive reorganization of an entire society along market principles which undermined traditional ways of caring for the sick and older support networks and healing modalities[v], but to tell this part of the story we are actually going to begin in the 1940s. At the end of World War II psychoanalysis completely dominated the field of mental health, providing the leading explanations of mental illness and their treatments.[vi] The 1960s were a time of great social and political upheaval that reshaped the landscape of ideas of the self and what health and wellness looked like in society.[vii] By the 1970s, psychoanalytic theoretical schools, and different clinicians, had many different ideas about the fundamental nature, causes, and treatment of mental disorders. There was a growing anti-psychiatry movement that accused psychiatry of using medical treatment mainly in the interests of social control.[viii] There were highly publicized experiments showing the complete lack of reliability of diagnosis made in mental hospitals.[ix] Psychiatry’s legitimacy as a medical field was seen to be in jeopardy. It was at this point in history that the DSM-III was developed.
-
-> The DSM-III was an attempt to create a universal guidebook for psychiatric diagnosis. It was written by a school of psychiatrists who saw their mission to rid psychiatry of prejudice and superstition, by turning it into an “objective science.”[x] Their intention was to be scientifically rigorous and “theory neutral,” meaning that it claimed not to presuppose a particular theory or cause of why a patient was mentally ill. The idea was to define disorders on the basis of symptoms and not causes. “It shifted psychiatric diagnosis from vaguely defined and loosely based psychoanalytic descriptions to detailed symptom checklists—each with precise inclusion and exclusion criteria.”[xi] But in its attempt to be scientifically neutral, the DSM-III left no room for any ideas of mental distress that were not viewed as “illness” and “disease.” Furthermore, the idea of “scientific objectivity” put the power for determining well being and sanity in the hands of the psychiatrists, using a vocabulary that while sounding “objective,” was in fact culturally based in Western scientific practice. The new “objective” diagnostic criteria worked better if there were defined treatments for the “disorders.” As it turned out, this was very beneficial for the bottom lines of the pharmaceutical companies, as well as opening the door for a drastic shift in the psychiatric paradigm.[xii]
-
-**Rise of the Neoliberals**
-
-> During this same period, an equally complicated paradigm shift was happening in the world of economics and politics. The 1980s saw the rise of neo-liberal economic ideology: the privatization of public enterprises, the reduction of wages by de-unionizing workers and eliminating workers’ rights that had been won over many years of struggle, the elimination of many health and environmental regulations, and the dismantling of social services such as health and education and welfare.[xviii] The consequence of these policies: massive unemployment, underfunded schools, overcrowded prisons and the shrinkage of our social and economic safety nets. Along with all of these political and economic changes, has been the transformation of poverty from a social problem to an individual failure.[xix]
-
-> Similar to the ideology of biopsychiatry, neoliberalism uses scientific sounding language that talks about “free trade” and “self-regulation of markets” that on the surface appears to be neutral, but masks an ideology which benefits the powerful and already wealthy; and the two systems work seamlessly together. The notion of a chemical imbalance in our brains easily plants the seeds of doubt in our minds about our own happiness and wellbeing. One of the driving forces of the market economy is dissatisfaction – the market place would not function without a consumer culture that operates on feelings of inadequacy and lack of personal fulfillment. But what if it is actually the society itself, and the toxic world-views we have inherited, that are driving us mad and making us depressed?
-
-> “A society that is increasingly socially fragmented and divided, where the gulf between success and failure seems so large, where the only option open to many is highly demanding and low paid work, where the only cheap and simple route to carelessness is through drugs, is likely to make people particularly vulnerable to mental disintegration in its many forms. It has long been known that urban life and social deprivation are associated with high levels of mental disorder. Neoliberal economic policies are likely to further increase their pathogenic effects. By medicalizing these effects, psychiatry helps to obscure their political origin…The social catastrophe produced by neoliberal policies has been washed away and forgotten in the language of individual distress.”[xx]. (Joanna Moncrieff 251-3)
-
-> Meanwhile, both the biopsychiatric model and neoliberal economics are global. There is a lot of evidence that, with the help of the DSM and the pharmaceutical industry, the biopsychiatric paradigm is rapidly spreading throughout the world. From Hong Kong to Tanzania to Sri Lanka, Western ideas of mental illnesses — depression, schizophrenia, anorexia, and PTSD are growing, with the resulting, loss of traditional forms of knowledge and understanding of health and wellness.[xxi]

content/session/badhousingmakesussick.md

@@ -2,12 +2,12 @@
 title: "Bad Housing Makes Us Sick"
 ---
 
-# Is there good mental health without a secure home? 
+# Is there good mental health without a secure home?
 
-Relationship between housing and mental health has been a focus of many debates after 2008. Serious physical and mental health issues have been arising as a result of insecure housing, and a systematic attempt to remove vulnerable people from their homes. Most of those who get evicted or whose houses get demolished end up leaving with mental traumas. The toxic link between bad housing and bad mental health damages our lives and our relationships. Most of the people in toxic housing situations don't get any mental health support. 
+Relationship between housing and mental health has been a focus of many debates after 2008. Serious physical and mental health issues have been arising as a result of insecure housing, and a systematic attempt to remove vulnerable people from their homes. Most of those who get evicted or whose houses get demolished end up leaving with mental traumas. The toxic link between bad housing and bad mental health damages our lives and our relationships. Most of the people in toxic housing situations don't get any mental health support.
+
+Instead of confronting the violent nature of contemporary housing, authorities in the European core countries have been trying to deal with mental health issues by imposing approaches that individualize the responsibility and focus on the consequences. The industry has been forming around the stressed subjects in order to reduce the consequences of suffering, acting as if bad housing is just a mental condition. In parallel, new groups and initiatives have been emerging in order to provide support based on mutual aid, do research, undertaking advocacy work, and raise awareness through events, artistic productions, and informational material.
 
-Instead of confronting the violent nature of contemporary housing, authorities in the European core countries have been trying to deal with mental health issues by imposing approaches that individualize the responsibility and focus on the consequences. The industry has been forming around the stressed subjects in order to reduce the consequences of suffering, acting as if bad housing is just a mental condition. In parallel, new groups and initiatives have been emerging in order to provide support based on mutual aid, do research, undertaking advocacy work, and raise awareness through events, artistic productions, and informational material. 
- 
 ## Proposed resources
 
 - **Read about the attempts in the UK to instrumentalise mindfulness for responsibilisation:** ![](bib:db13de19-40a1-4779-a168-021526dc9b83)
@@ -18,3 +18,168 @@ Instead of confronting the violent nature of contemporary housing, authorities i
 ## How to learn together
 
 Read the proposed articles before you come to the session. Create a comic together. Discuss what you have read and create a rough draft of a script. Choose your partner and work with her on a sequence of frames. Use what you have read. Come back together. Lay out your panel so that it make sense for the reader. Share your comic with other Pirate Care Syllabus users.
+
+{{< raw >}}
+<div class="pagebreak" style="font-family: vg5000-regular,sans; font-size: 1rem; padding-top: 2rem; padding-bottom: 2rem; color: #996561">▒  ☠ ▒ ▒▒▒ ▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒ 🐟▒ ☄ ▒▒▒▒ ▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒</div>
+{{< /raw >}}
+
+# Kate Hardie & Tom Gillespie: ‘Homelessness, health and housing’
+
+**Participatory action research in East London, December 2016**
+
+{{< figure src="/images/homelessness_health_housing.png" width="100%" title="Figure 1. Cover of *Homelessness, health and housing" >}}
+
+**Introduction**
+
+Between September 2015 and April 2016, a participatory action research project was undertaken in the London Borough of Newham, examining the experiences of those facing potential or actual homelessness. This document reports on 64 structured interviews undertaken with participants who have approached Newham Council to address a housing or homelessness need within the last year. Its findings reflect extremely high levels of hidden homelessness; serious physical and mental health issues arising or being exacerbated as a result of insecure housing, and an apparently systemic attempt to remove vulnerable people from the borough.
+
+Out-of-borough placements are not new and there is evidence from as far back as 2007 that this was a strategy that boroughs have used to cope with the growing housing crisis. However, out of borough placements have intensified steadily between 2010 and 2015 (Hancox 2015), exacerbated by the benefits cap, rising rents in London and enabled by the Localism Act (2011), which has allowed councils to discharge duty of care to homeless residents. Such out-of-borough placements are particularly high in Newham (Watt and Bernstock, 2017 forthcoming). Newham Council has the highest numbers of residents in [temporary accommodation](http://www.londonspovertyprofile.org.uk/indicators/boroughs/newham/) in London and appears also to be one of the boroughs placing the highest number of homeless people outside the capital (Spurr 2015). This research was an attempt to understand the experiences of those facing potential displacement and to develop an understanding of the human experience of the phenomenon behind the statistics.
+
+**Executive summary**
+
+***1. Those facing homelessness are in constant and ongoing state of flux and insecurity***
+
+Respondents’ housing situations were extremely complex, in permanent flux and insecurity and subject to abrupt change. A to B displacement is not a sufficient way to understand the disruption that people in the study faced. Far from a linear process, it was characterized by a confusing, circular and constantly shifting sense of insecurity and instability. The terms ‘gentrification’ and ‘displacement’ are not sufficient to explain the experiences of those seeking housing and facing homelessness in the study. There is a need for activists and researchers to develop new concepts and frameworks to understand housing insecurity in the post Localism Act context, to understand how its enactment is impacting on the most vulenerable.
+
+***2. Such insecurity has a severe destabilizing effect on mental health and capacities***
+
+The health effects of such ongoing insecurity were both numerous and severe, incorporating both physical and mental health. Worryingly, 9% stated – in an open question about their health - that they had suicidal thoughts and 9% mentioned self-harm in the same question. While half had contacted their GP, there was also an attempt to disengage with services (often for fear of losing custody of children) which increased the vulnerability and isolation of both adults and children.
+
+***3. Both temporary and longer-term properties provided by the state appears to bear the characteristics of ‘slum’ housing***
+
+The temporary housing in which people are housed both within the borough and outside, is extremely poor. Moreover, even those respondents who had accepted longer term housing by moving out of London faced very poor conditions, frequently which made the housing not fit for habitation (due to the presence of children or health conditions). Out-of-area placements may be justified on the basis that they improve housing conditions, but this was not evidenced in the study.
+
+***4. Out-of-area offers appear to be systemic***
+
+Participants were routinely either formally offered or informally ‘advised’ to move out of the borough (58% reported out of borough offers or suggestions). A large proportion (44%) had been offered or advised to consider moving out of London altogether. Almost half of these were offered housing in Hertfordshire or Sussex, the remaining were offered housing in areas across the country, often hundreds of miles away from London. Newham does not appear to be following best practice advice from the National Homelessness Advice Service (NHAS), although this warrants further investigation.
+
+***5. Processes are intensely gendered***
+
+Respondents were disproportionately female (67%) and a lack of available social housing has a clear impact on mothers with children. Over half of all respondents (59.4%) have dependents – mainly children under 18. This appears to be a result of the prioritization of those in working in the labour market. This invisibilises women’s contribution to reproductive labour, makes them extremely vulnerable to cuts to housing and other benefits and compounds their relative disadvantage in the labour market.
+
+
+**Methods**
+
+A structured interview tool, using questions designed to elicit both quantitative and qualitative data, offering the opportunity to provide more narrative information, was designed in collaboration between housing campaigners who are at the forefront of hearing stories of homelessness in Newham (Focus E15) and the authors. This tool was piloted and amended in line with suggested changes in order to access the necessary data and to ensure completion by participants. This interview tool is available publically and free to use for all housing justice campaigners and we strongly encourage activists and researchers to adopt, adapt and amend it (email t.a.gillespie@shef.ac.uk).
+
+Peer interviewers were used to recruit participants using a number of recruitment methods. First, individuals were approached leaving council housing offices in Newham (Bridge House and East Ham). This enabled interviewers to identify individuals who were not previously known to them and who had approached Newham Council for support. Second, non-random purposive sampling was then used to interview people currently living in hostels run by Newham. While this range of recruitment and sampling methods means that a range of respondents have been included in the research, however, it should also be noted that the figures presented here are reflective of the sample collected, rather than necessarily being representative of those in general facing homelessness in Newham as a whole. Such an approach, does mean, however, that the research has captured some of the most vulnerable who would not otherwise be represented, particularly in large existing datasets or in studies focused on more established communities, such as on existing estates. In other words, the mobile nature of the research sampling faithfully reflects, and arguably better captures, the “increasingly nomadic” (Watt, cited in Ponsford, 2016) nature of homelessness in contemporary London whereby individuals and families find themselves forced into mobility.
+
+Where possible, interviews were recorded, resulting in a total of 32 recorded interviews. The intensity of flux in people’s lives and the complications they faced brought about insecure and constantly changing housing situations which made it complex to capture data. To some degree, the complex nature of flux and insecurity was better captured through qualitative analysis of the recorded interviews. The extreme instability faced by people facing homelessness made it extraordinarily difficult to collect and analyse the data and to accurately capture people’s experiences. This was due to the sheer complexity of their situations and the various institutions involved, as well a combination of significant confusion and lack of information, poor mental health amongst some respondents, often making it difficult to generate a coherent narrative.
+
+**Findings**
+
+***People***
+
+The key demographic finding is that the vast majority (97%) of respondents had one or more of the following: dependents (children under 16); health or disability needs; dependents with health and disability needs or a combination of these. While these individuals may not be considered statutorily ‘vulnerable’, it is clear that those facing the hardest edge of the housing crisis are some of the most at risk groups of people with specific sets of needs. Sometimes these needs were pre-existing, while others appeared to have been exacerbated by their housing situations. This suggests that this homelessness is affecting some of the most vulnerable sections of society.
+
+Women were disproportionately represented in the sample, as 67% (42) were female. White (including all census defined ‘White’ categories) people make up 38.7% of those interviewed (compared to 29% of the population in Newham), while Black Asian and Minority Ethnic people made up 61.3% (compared with 71% in Newham). The vast proportion were British (70%), with 9% EU nationals 20% non-EU nationals. Most respondents (59%) have dependents (mainly children, but also elderly family members or pregnant partners). Amongst dependents, seven had a disability and 20% had a health condition.
+
+***Housing Situations***
+
+The majority (81%) identified as having been homeless at some point in the last five years and 86% said they had to sofa-surf. In a subjective question about their housing status, 53% identified as currently homeless and 47% as currently having a place to live and therefore either under threat of homelessness or living in ongoing temporary accommodation.
+
+Eviction was a common experience, as 73% of respondents had been evicted at some point in the last five years, while 41% had been evicted two or more times. Reasons for eviction included rent rises, cuts to benefits leading to rent arrears and family breakdown. Private landlords, the council and family members were all identified as having evicted respondents.
+
+Transitions into homelessness were extremely complex and were frequently constituted by multiple intersecting processes including job loss, cuts to social support, rent arrears, eviction and family breakdown.
+
+***Disability and Health Conditions***
+
+A significant proportion of respondents had a disability (22%) or health condition (48%) which affected their housing needs. More than half (51.9%) of the people interviewed either had an issue with health or disability themselves or had a dependent with such needs. Mental health problems constituted the most common issue amongst respondents (n=18); with diabetes (n=5); arthritis (n=4); heart conditions (n=3); high blood pressure (n=2); terminally ill, HIV positive status, pneumonia and dissociative seizures (1 each) also mentioned.
+
+Insecurity, displacement and housing conditions had an extremely destablising effect on people’s mental health, as 89% mentioned worsening mental health as a result of their housing situation. Specifically, 66% mentioned worsening depression and 25% were suffering from insomnia.
+
+Most worryingly, in an open question about health 9% stated that they had suicidal thoughts and 9% mentioned self-harm. This compares with 4.3% of the general population reporting suicidal thoughts in the last year in response to a direct question relating to suicidal feelings in the Adult Psychiatric Morbidity Household Survey (HCSIC 2007).
+
+For some respondents, their experiences of homelessness led to reduced self-esteem and addiction relapses. Billy (41, white-British) who was currently street homeless, had recently been evicted from temporary housing, having originally been evicted from his father’s council house when he died. He described how being homeless had “got me back on the drugs, being homeless. If no-one cares about me, why should I care about myself?” He had refused the out-of-borough housing that he had received, as he felt it would exacerbate his substance use and remove him from key sources of support:
+
+> They offered me a place on Harold Hill, in Es-sex... There are too many drugs down there. They said it’s the only pace. I have drug coun-seling in Newham. I don’t want to leave that and go to somewhere where there are a lot of drugs... I told them to call me when they can offer me a proper place in Newham.
+
+For others, the conditions in which they were currently living were further exacerbating physical health problems. Bruno, 57, was the legal guardian to two children from a previous relationship in which his girlfriend had died. One child has mental health issues. Bruno worked full time as a cleaner, but couldn’t keep up rent payments when his housing benefit was stopped. He was currently living in a bed and breakfast with his family. The cramped conditions were worsening his own health:
+
+> [I have] arthritis. [I] can’t soak, [as] I can’t use the bathroom. [I’m] diabetic, I need to be able to go to the bathroom when I need to. There are 8/9 peope in the house – I have to use a bucket in my room... I feel like I’m turning mad.
+
+Emma (24, white-British) had similarly been living in a bed and breakfast with her two young children for over a year and a half. Reductions in income support had also led her to fall behind in paying her rent. Although she identified severe health needs as a result of her current living conditions, she did not want to report these due to fears that it would lead to the removal of her children:
+
+> I’ve got scabs from scratching and welts all over my body, I get cold sores and rashes due to stress. I don’t want to get out of bed in the morning (depression). I don’t want to tell social services how much I’m suffering because I don’t want them to take my chil-dren away. Then they would stop my housing benefit and I would never get a property and would never get my children back.
+
+The family had initially been relocated as a result of Olympic development in the area.
+
+She was initially evicted by a private landlord who changed the tenancies and replaced her with higher paying tenants. Having approached numerous councils, she eventually “put myself in rehab just to get a roof over my head”. She was currently living in a hostel run by Newham Council and had had to move four times in five years. Like many others, she described her living conditions as greatly exacerbating her health conditions:
+
+> I have asthma, chronic obstructive pulmo-nary disease and now since living in new place, early stages of emphysema. I’ve got welts all over my body which open up all the time due to the stress, I can’t stop scratching them, I’m covered in them. [It has affected my] mental health, [I am] depressed, anx-ious, suicidal.
+
+Far from extreme cases, the examples provided above are typical of the answers provided by respondents during the structured interviews.
+
+Only 54% of respondents had contacted their GP to discuss their health problems or housing. This is suggestive of under-reporting of health issues and appears to contradict assumptions by the Department of Health that people in temporary accommodation ‘will not generally have significant problems in accessing primary health care’ (Department of Health 2010).
+
+The relationship between poor housing and poor health indicators is well known, including by the World Health Organisation (WHO). There is also growing recognition of a mental health crisis ushered in by austerity measures undertaken in the last eight years. This research, however, demonstrates the ways in which statutory bodies, rather than responding in order to improve health through housing, are creating and exacerbating health problems through both insecure housing and also displacement within or from London.
+
+Budget cuts to mental health services combined with widespread displacement of people creates a perfect storm which can create new health problems and exacerbate existing conditions. This increases costs to state services (including the NHS), as well as to local authorities. Perhaps most worryingly, many people are avoiding contact with health services due to fear of the involvement of social services in relation to custody of their children. This lays the basis for health problems to worsen in the absence of appropriate care, creating more serious needs and vulnerabilities in the near and more distant future.
+
+***Employment and Assistance***
+
+Amongst the respondents 19% were employed, 6.3% were self-employed and 12.5% ‘other’. The remainder of the sample stated that they were currently unemployed. Current jobs included cleaning (3); office and administrative work (2); NHS receptionist (1); University counseling support officer (1); head waiter (1); school support office (1) hairdressing (1); market trader (1); and care work (1). Seven respondents were students in further or higher education.
+
+Lisa (white-British) an 18 year old woman who currently was working part time and sofa surfing, had been evicted by her parents. She said she:
+
+> went to Newham council, [they had] no place for me to stay because I’m not pregnant, mentally ill or elderly... I asked for B&B they refused. I said I was 18 and would be sleep-ing on park benches. They said because I’m 18 they can’t do anything, if I went five days ago I would have got help. I was 18 five days ago.
+
+Michael (25, African-Caribbean British) was working full time as charity fundraiser for a major charity, he explained that he felt he had been given inaccurate or misleading information:
+
+> I applied as homeless in Newham, eventually got put in a hostel. Then when I got moved to [a homeless hostel] I was told I was gonna get nominated for a place - a council place. So I was told not to bid, but that has now proved to be untrue. They told me my tenancy would be for 9 months and then I would get a 1 bed flat. Then they told me you have to be here for 2 years minimum before you get a place. Now the council has taken over the building, [a lettings agent] are putting in temporary accomodation tenants. Now all I’m entitled to is a room in a shared house.
+
+Since 91% of the sample received some form of income assistance, the majority of people in the study were liable to being impacted by recent changes in the level of state provision and the conditionality attached to it. Almost half (49%) said that changes in assistance they received had affected their housing situation. Ahmed (26, British-Asian), had been evicted twice, the first time because he had no official contract and couldn’t keep up the rent:
+
+> I got sanctioned last year. I missed an ap-pointment because of a funeral. I started get-ting into rent arrears because of that, with council tax. I had to put it on a credit card. At that stage I nearly got evicted due to that one sanction. The service charge and inter-est were massive. There was a 2 week period where I literally had nothing. It was difficult, I was trying to budget, but once sanctioned it was too much, really hard.
+
+Having been told he was not a priority by the council, he was about to sleep on the streets, Newham council placed him in a hostel. He now faces eviction by the council from the temporary hostel he is currently housed in and therefore currently faces the prospect of being street homeless once more.
+
+***Displacement and out-of-area housing offers***
+
+A majority of respondents (58%) had either been offered housing outside of the borough or told to look for it themselves. Some respondents had been repeatedly offered housing outside of the borough over a number of years. Respondents reported being offered out of borough placements as far back as 2005, with 20% of the sample stating that they were offered housing out of borough between 2005-2008. That is, before the Coalition government, financial crisis, cuts to housing benefit and the Localism Act (2011). As such, this is a process which has been occurring for over a decade, but which has gathered pace as a result of drastic changes to social support. It is clear that out of borough offers are now systemic in Newham.
+
+A Supreme Court ruling in 2015 meant that councils ‘must now provide evidence of a search for accommodation inside and near to their local authority for homeless households’ (Douglas 2015). However, many of our respondents appear to have been offered or ‘suggested’ to look outside both the borough (58%) and London (44%) without the relevant evidence provided to demonstrate a lack of housing inside London.
+
+***Experiences out-of-borough***
+
+Bethany (24, White-British) was housed in a hostel in Newham, according to her this was on the basis she would be offered a council property. After three years, Newham Council began to offer her places outside of London. Despite trying to resist these placements, she argues that she was told “if you don’t accept that, we’re not going to offer you anything else”. She eventually accepted a property in Hastings. The conditions in her new flat are extremely poor.
+
+> When it rains and stuff... it drips through. My windows, they are so badly done they all leak, so all along the window ledge gets soaking wet. When I went to London for Christmas I was there for a couple of weeks, I came back and my sofa was soaked, my curtains were ruined, I had to get new curtains because they grew mould on them... In the kitchen, because they haven’t cleaned out the gutter-ing at the top, I’ve got mould coming there.
+
+Despite these conditions, Bethany argues that she would accept these in order to be nearer to her family:
+
+> I’d like to be where my family are, I’d like to be able to just ring someone and be like ‘do you want to come round for a cup of tea?... I find myself calling my mum for no reason, or I’ll make up a reason to have to ring her and speak to her, and like same for my nan – I’ll make up a reason like did you just see that thing on the telly? She’ll be like no I wasn’t watching it and I’ll be like “oh alright then”.
+
+Placement out-of-area has further detrimental financial implications. For those in temporary accommodation, they frequently need to pay for storage for belongings or buy entirely new furniture. Constant moving also means that individuals oscillate between purchasing expensive new items and having to pay for storage. Some individuals had lost all of their belongings when they had been unable to pay for storage:
+
+> The landlord upped the rent... My husband passed away and my immigration case was going through, it was very difficult... I was in our own place, but it got repossessed when my husband died... I found the next place myself. It was a single room for me and my son in shared accommodation... I was there for 1 year and 2 months. The rooms were empty when we arrived, had to buy every-thing, I was sleeping on the floor. Now I have had to take everything to storage when we moved to [a hostel]. It’s very expensive. I was told it would be one month, it’s been five.
+
+Many in temporary accommodation are expected to continue to pay for utilities. Jose is living in two studio flats with his wife and four children. He was faced with bailiffs from the Hertfordshire town council, where he is currently housed by Newham Council, for unpaid council tax, as he expected to pay for both properties. Those in work often struggled to sustain their jobs, having been placed so far outside the city: ‘We have to go to London, we can’t afford it. Because they don’t take into consideration that almost half of the wages go into commuting. Are you supposed to fly to work?’ (Jose, 55, white-Portuguese). Others had had to give up their jobs as they were located too far away from their current employment. Some had explicitly been told to give up their jobs in order to accept housing outside the city. Cassandra described being forced to be permanently available to travel back into the city to attend housing appointments: ‘I don’t live temporary life even though I’m in temporary accommodation’.
+
+Out of borough placements are also having a detrimental effect on children. Anita (17, black-Portuguese) was evicted as part of a family of seven when her landlord said that her family had built up rent arrears.
+
+> My mum has a brand new born baby. We had to sleep at my cousin’s house - all seven of us. We came back here [to the housing of-fice], they found us a temporary house in Leytonstone. My school is Newham... I have to get up at 5 am to get to school, and so much money goes on travel.
+
+The National Homelessness Advice Service [NHAS] is a partnership between Shelter and Citizens Advice, funded by the Department for Communities and Local Government has issued best practice advice, which includes advice to “equip families with complete info”, provision of support with travel and ensuring thorough [suitability screening](http://www.nhas.org.uk/docs/8367_NHAS_Out_of_Area_Best_Practice_Report_v21.pdf). It appears that many of these principles are not being followed, leaving individuals and families in unsuitable housing with little support in order to continue their education or employment, with severe knock-on effects on their futures as a result.
+
+**Acknowledgements**
+
+This study was funded by the Feminist Review Trust and Leeds Social Sciences Impact Acceleration Account in association with the ESRC. We would like to thank all of the participants who gave up their time to take part in the study and for being willing to share their stories. Dr Paul Watt (Birkbeck, University of London) provided us with sage guidance throughout the life of the project, from design to analysis. The project has greatly benefited from his expertise in this area. We are also very grateful to the strategy group of Focus E15 for their support and enthusiasm.
+
+**References**
+
+Department of Health. 2010. ‘Healthcare for Single Homeless People’ http://webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk/20130107105354/http://www.dh.gov.uk/prod_consum_dh/groups/dh_digitalassets/@dh/@en/@ps/documents/digitalasset/dh_114369.pdf Accessed 20 July 2016.
+
+Douglas, D. 2015. ‘Landmark case tightens rules on out-of-borough placements’ http://www.insidehousing.co.uk/landmark-case-tightens-rules-on-out-of-borough-placements/7009151.article Accessed 18 July 2016.
+
+Hancox, D. 2015. VICE Exclusive: The Shocking Data That Shows How Struggling Families Are Being Forced Out of London http://www.vice.com/en_uk/read/dan-hancox-forced-out-of-london-data Accessed 18 July 2016.
+
+Nadeem, B. 2008. ‘MPs calls for action on temporary accommodation’ Inside Housing http://www.insidehousing.co.uk/mp-calls-for-action-on-temporary-accommodation/6500528.article accessed 12th June 2016.
+
+Ponsford, M. (2016) ‘Locked out by sky-high rents, London’s “nomads” fight for a secure home’, place, available at: http://www.thisisplace.org/i/?id=4d097e24-ad1c-407a-b4c7-0b4acb28cc4c.
+
+Spurr (2015) ‘East London moves fuel out-of-London placement surge’ http://www.insidehousing.co.uk/east-london-moves-fuel-out-of-london-placement-surge/7011469.article Accessed 20 November 2016.
+
+Watt, P. and Bernstock, P. (2017) ‘Legacy for whom? Housing in Post-Olympic East London’, in P. Cohen and P. Watt (Eds.) *London 2012 and the Post-Olympics City: A Hollow Legacy?* Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
+
+World Health Organisation 2015. *Healthy Housing - Experts Call for International Guidelines* [online] (Geneva: World Health Organization). Available at http://www.who.int/hia/housing/en/ Accessed 9 August 2015).

content/session/calloutcopscalloutsystem.md

@@ -5,19 +5,19 @@ title: "Call out cops! Call out the system!"
 # Purpose
 
 - Providing critique to policing migrants and refugees and those who solidarize with them
-- Deconstruct the systemic justification of the punitive and repressive actions against the illegals who are construed as a threat and an enemy
+- Deconstruct the systemic justification of the punitive and repressive actions against the illegals who are construed as a threat and an enemy 
 
-# Method: Direct action
+# Method: Direct action 
 
-Organizing direct action is both a common and uncommon way of addressing police violence and coercion many citizens/volunteers are subjected to. There are various examples when people/activists went out in the streets and protested against police and state violence. Lately, many ![activists, priests, firefighters, doctors and others](bib:c3217579-31d8-4492-9cb5-e7ae9f3960f7) were criminalized because they helped undocumented migrants or refugees in different ways. Those coercive and often violent actions provoke counter-responses by local or translocal/national groups.
+Organizing direct action is both a common and uncommon way of addressing police violence and coercion many citizens/volunteers are subjected to. There are various examples when people/activists went out in the streets and protested against police and state violence. Lately, many [activists, priests, firefighters, doctors and others](https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/migrants-refugees-solidarity-europeans-arrested-europe-opendemocracy-a8919686.html) were criminalized because they helped undocumented migrants or refugees in different ways. Those coercive and often violent actions provoke counter-responses by local or translocal/national groups. 
 
 ## Possible ideas
 
 - Creating and handing out a booklet intended for citizens, teachers, medical workers focusing on migrant and refugee rights and local systems of solidarity that act in opposition of police and state violence
-- Creating and publicly displaying (i.e. on buildings, on the street, on billboards) a local map and timeline of police activity against solidarity actions
+- Creating and publicly displaying (i.e. on buildings, on the street, on billboards) a local map and timeline of police activity against solidarity actions 
 - Making stickers and placing them in public places such as public transport, hospitals, schools, parks etc.
 - Walking through the town with banners and leaflets
-- Protesting on a larger scale (there are a number of online resources on how to organize a protest)
+- Protesting on a larger scale (there are a number of online resources on how to organize a protest) 
 
 Time: 2 days and more…
 
@@ -27,10 +27,10 @@ Time: 2 days and more…
 - How will we address it? What is the way we want to deliver our message?
 - Whom do we collaborate with?
 - How will we prepare the scenario/choreography?
-- What do we need?
+- What do we need? 
 - What are the repercussions for those who we solidarize with? What are the repercussions for us and myself?
 - How will we cope with repercussions and provide an on-going critique?
 
-# Resources
+# Resources 
 - ![](bib:2fbe02c8-675f-4ff1-a47a-6fbd14bf3cfa)
 - ![](bib:f2c4c476-ac26-431e-8900-43ccfb67bea4)

content/session/centeringmargins.md

@@ -11,7 +11,7 @@ title: "‘Centering margins’ using storying as ‘agents of change’"
 
 # References
 
-Video: Paul Parking, “[Reimagining Empathy: The Transformative Nature of Empathy](https://youtube.com/watch?v=e4aHb_GTRVo)”, TEDxTalks, July 9 th , 2015. 
+Video: Paul Parking, “[Reimagining Empathy: The Transformative Nature of Empathy](https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=e4aHb_GTRVo)”, TEDxTalks, July 9 th , 2015. 
 
 Video: Dr. Jane Goodall explains how she uses stories in conversations with people thinking polar opposite. [Dr. Jane Goodall's Advice for Getting Others to Care About the Environment](https://nowthisnews.com/videos/her/dr-jane-goodalls-on-getting-others-to-care-about-the-environment)
 

content/session/challengetherulings.md

@@ -6,32 +6,32 @@ title: "Challenge the rulings!"
 
 - Understanding ways how the criminalization of solidarity operates through state and judicial practices
 - Sharpening personal lenses to recognize state and police violence
-- Reading legal texts with confidence and disrupting the inaccessibility of legalese
+- Reading legal texts with confidence and disrupting the inaccessibility of legalese 
 
 # Method: Discussion
 
 (in a human rights organization, in a classroom, at a coffee shop, round table, workshop, conference...) based on the analysis of a court ruling
 
-Time: 90 minutes and possibly more
+Time: 90 minutes and possibly more 
 
 # Materials
 
 - A court ruling
 - ![Aliens Act](bib:853721cd-d687-4d01-bb90-3e94d0816fb2)
-- video of [Are You Syrious's reaction at the European Parliament](https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=421640735307159)
+- video of [Are You Syrious's reaction at the European Parliament](https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=421640735307159)  
 
 # Guiding Questions for Analysis
 
 ## Questions of Comprehension
 
-- What are the facts entailed in this ruling?
-- How this ruling relates to the Aliens Act and its provision on the criminalization of solidarity?
+- What are the facts entailed in this ruling? 
+- How this ruling relates to the Aliens Act and its provision on the criminalization of solidarity? 
 - What is hidden in the ruling? What can we not read here? (personal motivation of Dragan, for instance)
 
 ## Critical Questions
 
-- Why does the Aliens Act not protect ![Dragan Umičević](bib:dcbbaeaa-e044-466d-83bb-5fc8cc0c7860)? What kind of message are the courts delivering with this ruling?
-- How does the criminalization of solidarity look like in this particular case? What are the consequences Dragan and Are you Syrious must bare?
-- Why is the criminalization of solidarity harmful broadly and not just for Dragan and Are You Syrious?
-- What are the ways to stand against such criminalization?
-- What are the ways that more groups and individuals can act similarly to Dragan and support migrants on their perilous journeys?
+- Why does the Aliens Act not protect [Dragan Umičević](https://www.portalnovosti.com/dragan-umicevic-kazna-meni-je-poruka-drugima)? What kind of message are the courts delivering with this ruling? 
+- How does the criminalization of solidarity look like in this particular case? What are the consequences Dragan and Are you Syrious must bare? 
+- Why is the criminalization of solidarity harmful broadly and not just for Dragan and Are You Syrious? 
+- What are the ways to stand against such criminalization? 
+- What are the ways that more groups and individuals can act similarly to Dragan and support migrants on their perilous journeys? 

content/session/collectivememorywritingbycriminalizedactivists.md

@@ -1,22 +1,25 @@
 ---
-title: "Collective memory writing by criminalized activists"
+title: "Collective memory writing (by criminalized activists)"
 ---
 
-# Purpose
+# Purpose 
 
 - Documenting and reflecting on the experiences of criminalization
-- Building a community of trust and healing
+- Building a community of trust and healing 
 
-# Method: Collective memory writing
+# Method: Collective memory writing 
 
-Collective memory writing is a method developed by Frigga Haug, a German philospher and feminist. Haug gathered women facing political violence after the fall of the Berlin wall and facilitated the process of reminiscing and writing memories. The method has been widely used in activist and academic spaces ever since and has been modified to fit the needs of various groups.
+Collective memory writing is a method developed by Frigga Haug, a German philospher and feminist. Haug gathered women facing political violence after the fall of the Berlin wall and facilitated the process of reminiscing and writing memories. The method has been widely used in activist and academic spaces ever since and has been modified to fit the needs of various groups. 
 
 Haug's method is structured around a few parameters (see below). However, the method can and should be adjusted to different contexts and situations. The method is a process of writing down personal stories and experiences that are later on shared with the whole group that takes on the process of analysis. Sharing and collaborative analysis is a space of healing as well as of critique of the structures and systemic oppression.
 
-Groups can decide whether they want to publish the work, present it through academic or artistic forms or keep it as an internal tool that will define further political actions.
+Groups can decide whether they want to publish the work, present it through academic or artistic forms or keep it as an internal tool that will define further political actions. 
 
-Time: 2 - 4 hours a week individually & 2 - 4 hours a week in a group for a month or more (groups can define the length of the process)
+Time: 2 - 4 hours a week individually & 2 - 4 hours a week in a group for a month or more (groups can define the length of the process) 
 
 # Resources
 
-- ![](bib:4db46a8a-9a3d-4524-906e-3db1dd6be08f)
+- Frigga Haug's [Method of Collective Memory Writing](http://www.friggahaug.inkrit.de)
+- ![](bib:3ae19cd8-7e92-4f63-bacb-1a6bdc86c7a7)
+
+

content/session/communitysafetyreadinglist.md

@@ -1,53 +0,0 @@
----
-title: "Community Safety Against Racialized Policing Reading List"
----
-
-# Indigenous epistemologies and pedagogies
-- ![](bib:bd4cfd2c-d4d4-44bd-851e-8a12e82fb030)
-- ![](bib:6d795f60-161e-4167-8a5f-548239dfac18)
-- ![](bib:2db196e5-715c-4818-90e0-0fe8fa930142)
-- ![](bib:6282f131-c290-4371-ae1d-0b73836e538c)
-- ![](bib:6ffddba2-f994-45f0-a5e9-4729655a13ef)
-- ![](bib:de5d9e9c-0532-4a2e-961a-6802706b4438)
-- ![](bib:0f9de97e-1c8f-4325-9a11-a866732372dc)
-
-# Aboriginal feminism
-- ![](bib:0300dadb-576b-4829-905e-56759c381136)
-- ![](bib:4e579520-1130-40b2-a754-0ac8ca495b9e)
-- ![](bib:23618511-b41a-4242-98dd-9296df497474)
-- ![](bib:2781fab6-8733-4ced-b580-d169db7d8438)
-- ![](bib:2babe772-63eb-45e6-b952-2b158f9ee65e)
-- ![](bib:73757f89-8389-45be-8ee8-562d138a85e0)
-- ![](bib:bd32b9a7-03b2-4ed2-93fd-d2d83f873a72)
-
-# Settler colonialism
-- ![](bib:6d0b9274-ca8b-4cf2-a8a8-a902d18fcdc4)
-- ![](bib:f5ad30db-75fe-4575-902c-c6a2d4b91b35)
-- ![](bib:43282236-27bf-4c13-9167-c5328be24225)
-- ![](bib:02ef05be-7b6f-4d4b-bed0-78d735764072)
-
-# Decolonization
-- ![](bib:0337a581-40cd-4f4c-b998-77b27b055734)
-- ![](bib:8e23d0da-fea9-48cc-93b1-85a6053968ec)
-- ![](bib:01e61ea8-0fb7-4189-9ce0-1e0892709504)
-- ![](bib:f097c90c-abfd-490b-8ab3-087ae6fdf854)
-- ![](bib:e5a8afe2-ebe9-41e6-aff9-888f9f82f0d4)
-
-# Racism, structural and institutional
-- ![](bib:34c4d52f-feb5-4c10-8d48-f9b97807ba27)
-- ![](bib:3d64f954-ddfb-46a2-9a06-1d7bd4b3ffdf)
-- ![](bib:f1b7a5f4-6bde-48b3-9bbf-78c06e75b5b5)
-- ![](bib:4b0207a0-2999-45e7-82ba-d818628e50cb)
-- ![](bib:fe8abc0b-72c5-4ca4-ae6b-d7a006f13239)
-- ![](bib:0bf45077-56c6-4ea0-a7f7-c4ffa6f25803)
-- [](bib:ec90a452-d432-499d-87f2-cade1b5b8433)
-- ![](bib:7d9528f4-f031-4223-bfbd-d14b75acfa76)
-
-# Racialized violence and policing
-- ![](bib:22203b8a-f82e-497d-9d56-b2ed60b9ec14)
-- ![](bib:8fe5e2e6-868b-4441-850a-67c2e4e4d556)
-- ![](bib:0b3ddcb2-63b2-456a-8209-5215824526d8)
-- ![](bib:792255cc-872c-4a4c-b38c-86249cabfade)
-- ![](bib:fca049c0-b9b4-4ec0-9c7d-a06b1840af1b)
-- ![](bib:2f977284-79b9-43be-b382-9a8501a355fd)
-- ![](bib:1a7a1d66-1135-4e4c-bc70-fd3ca65e3063)

content/session/coronavirusresources.md

@@ -174,4 +174,3 @@ images: ["/topic/coronanotes/care_curve.jpg"]
 - [COVID-19: Left Perspectives](https://docs.google.com/document/u/0/d/12lWfgIO4Kbkka2W6w5fsMt0ZhG5YXXoHyhDHmrVGOCU/mobilebasic)
 - [The Syllabus: The Politics of COVID-19](https://the-syllabus.com/politics-of-covid19-readings-part1/)
 - [Reading on political, social, and ecological questions regarding COVID-19 and it's effects](https://yourpart.eu/p/QuarantineSchool_COVID19)
-- [COVID-19 Resources for the Elderly and Families](https://nanha.org/2020/09/17/covid-19-resources-for-the-elderly-and-families/)

content/session/criminalisationofhousingstruggles.md

@@ -9,10 +9,107 @@ Challenging private property with housing practices and solidarity actions to en
 ## Proposed resources
 
 - **Read about the criminalisation of solidarity against the anti-eviction movement in Serbia:** ![](bib:785c5a84-72f9-48ff-8667-1abff6b14bbd)
-- **Read about the criminalization of the squatting movement in the Netherlands:** ![“You can’t evict an idea” - The criminalization of the squatting movement in the Netherlands](bib:2af93d30-7d8a-4535-a26d-6434204ef6c8).
-- **Read about criminalization of squatting in Barcelona:** [Some recent mainstream media representations of squatting in Barcelona (Group Against Criminalization)](bib:2af93d30-7d8a-4535-a26d-6434204ef6c8).
+- **Read about the criminalization of the squatting movement in the Netherlands:** ![“You can’t evict an idea” - The criminalization of the squatting movement in the Netherlands](bib:2af93d30-7d8a-4535-a26d-6434204ef6c8)
+- **Read about criminalization of squatting in Barcelona:** [Some recent mainstream media representations of squatting in Barcelona (Group Against Criminalization)](bib:2af93d30-7d8a-4535-a26d-6434204ef6c8)
 - **Read about the murder of Jolanta Brezenska in Warsaw and the collusion of the police and the ruling elite in stopping housing activism:** ![](bib:ce1a68a7-6f30-4cb3-a56e-c8cd88aa5c88)
 
 ## How to learn together
 
 Read the proposed articles before you come to the session. Collectively build the arguments pro and contra the solidarity housing movement. Split into two groups. Each group represents a group of lawyers. The first group is in favor of the solidarity housing movement. The second is against it. Each group articulates its own argument. Use what you have read. Come back together. Organize a discussion in the form of a court debate. Share your notes with other Pirate Care Syllabus users.
+
+{{< raw >}}
+<div class="pagebreak" style="font-family: vg5000-regular,sans; font-size: 1rem; padding-top: 2rem; padding-bottom: 2rem; color: #996561">▒  ☠ ▒ ▒▒▒ ▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒ 🐟▒ ☄ ▒▒▒▒ ▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒</div>
+{{< /raw >}}
+
+# Ana Vilenica & Nemanja Pantović: ‘On the frontlines of Serbia’s struggle for housing justice’
+**In ROAR Magazine, October 14, 2019**
+
+On a cold morning in the autumn of 2017, a group of neighbors, family members and housing activists rally to a call of a family in distress. They are locked inside their apartment, confronted by two goons and a lawyer representing a man who claims to be the new owner of the home. A bailiff is standing on the side, waiting for the family to sign a paper renouncing their claim on the property. Ten policemen are waiting outside the door and in the courtyard, preventing a group of housing activists from entering the stairwell.
+
+The family had fallen into debt a few years back, but they have since managed to repay the loan. The court ignored this fact, proceeded with the foreclosure and the bailiff auctioned their flat with an estimated worth of €90.000 euros for merely €25.000.
+
+Six hours pass, the owner of the house faints, falls to the ground and suffers an epileptic seizure lasting two hours. His wife struggles to keep the two bulky men from carrying him away. The activists call an ambulance, but the police — tired, shaken, but still following orders — won’t let the medics in. Under a barrage of insults, threats and persuasion they cave in and let them through. Seizing the opportunity, the activists slip by the weary officers and barge into the flat.
+
+Twenty people are now squatting the flat demanding that the bailiff and the police leave. They do and so does the lawyer. It seems that the siege is over. Two hours later, someone knocks on the door. The lawyer of the new owner, escorted by hooded thugs with clubs and metal bars, has returned to finish the eviction. Seeing that people are still inside the flat, they leave after a brief exchange of threats.
+
+The family is still living in their flat today; the eviction has been put on hold while they are fighting in the courts for the right to their home.
+
+Their story is shared by many others — families, pensioners, single mothers, workers, refugees and war veterans who are struggling against evictions in Serbia. Over the past eight years, since the system of private bailiffs and their extended power to implement foreclosures was introduced, the constant attack on tenants and their right to housing has left many in a state of constant fear.
+
+The crackdown on housing rights did not go unanswered. Individual acts of resistance led to a formation of a nationwide movement and an organization that stands at the forefront of the struggle for housing justice — the Roof.
+
+**Roots of the eviction epidemic**
+
+Before the breakup of Yugoslavia, more than 50 percent of all housing was “societal housing”, provided through workers’ monthly contributions. In the early 1990s, the need to fill up state coffers to fund the military during the Yugoslav war led to the decision to allow public companies and state institutions to sell off societal flats.
+
+The housing fund was abolished and all forms of state and cooperative housing ceased to exist. As a result of this “transition”, Serbia today has a high percentage of home ownership — 98.3 percent is privately owned — but the owners are mostly poor and struggle to pay maintenance costs and utility bills.
+
+Those who refused — or missed out — on the opportunity to invest in this newly-privatized real estate, struggled on the housing market that developed at the beginning of the new millennium. Stripped from life savings through inflation and unemployment, many were forced to get loans from speculative, mostly foreign banks and buy their homes from dodgy private investors that sometimes sold the same — usually unfinished apartments — multiple times.
+
+The self-managed and state-owned construction sector faced the same bleak economic prospects as other sectors during the transition to capitalism. Construction giants such as Trudbenik and Komgrap that provided high quality flats on a mass scale were privatized and then went bankrupt.
+
+Over 800.000 refugees, mainly Serbs and Roma, fled from neighboring states to Serbia during the wars in Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo. Since the state stopped investing in social housing, many of the refugees still live in improvised collective housing centers. Under these circumstances home ceased to be a place of refuge from the hardships of life and became another battleground of class struggle.
+
+**Accelerating the demise of the working class**
+
+In order to access credit in Serbia, an individual’s total assets need to be provided as collateral. In many cases this means their home. In a country of unregulated, low paid labor where 25 percent of the population lives on the brink of poverty and 7.2 percent lives in extreme poverty, privately owned houses and apartments are often the only assets available for seizure.
+
+The eviction epidemic started with the privatization of the eviction protocol in 2011. Through legislative changes, the state introduced private bailiffs as a supposed solution to the problem of “inefficient enforcement” of court verdicts — previously done by public court bailiffs. This reform was adopted by the ruling center-right Democratic Party’s government under pressure from the European Union.
+
+While the narrative designed for the general public was that the private bailiffs would provide working people with a quick way to collect back payments of their salaries the reality fell short of this promise.
+
+Instead of workers from privatized and ruined factories being able to claim their redundancy pay and wages, the law only accelerated the demise of the already impoverished working class. Justice became accessible only to those who were able to pay the bailiff fee. The new enforcement system provided banks, loan sharks, utility companies, corporations and wealthy tycoons with an additional tool for the dispossession of poor and indebted members of society.
+
+The design of the new system implies the bailiff’s personal interest in the enforcement process. Since bailiffs have the power to decide how the debt will be repaid, it often happens that they choose to sell a flat even for a relatively small debt. The bailiff is the one who assesses the value of the property and is also the one who sells it, keeping a hefty commission.
+
+Since their services are expensive, they are not affordable for working class people. Flats and houses are sold at auctions that are often organized in obscure and isolated places. Homes are often sold at prices much times lower than the estimated market value, and there have been cases where buyers have been other bailiffs, their relatives or people close to them. Other buyers are wealthy individuals, banks and loan sharks.
+
+Peoples’ misery doesn’t end with their flats being sold. The debtor is required to pay the enforcement fee for being kicked out of their own flat. At the end of 2017, a single mother was thrown out of a flat that she bought but subsequently lost when it was restituted to a previous owner. A bailiff who grossed €800.000 that year alone, charged them €11.000 for the cost of her enforcement “services”.
+
+Bailiffs are assisted by the police or private security firms. Evictions often involve the forced removal of people from their homes and communities, frequent aggressive behavior and intimidation by the bailiffs, the police and private security. On more than one occasion, social service workers threatened mothers to take away their children if they failed to comply with eviction orders. In late 2018, a man’s dog was euthanized on the spot when the bailiff came to evaluate his property while he was not home.
+
+In Serbia, the state has no obligation to protect the evicted. The institution of emergency accommodation has been abolished and there is no housing support for the homeless.
+
+**Debt enforcement**
+
+With the legislative changes that came into force in 2016, private bailiffs were renamed “public bailiffs” to hide the true nature of their work. Control over the bailiffs was transferred from courts to the bailiffs themselves — complaints about fraud and irregularities now are to be submitted to the ones who allegedly committed them.
+
+This cartel of 215 “public bailiffs” established a racket through which they ruthlessly enforce debts with the assistance of the police. In addition to acting on court decisions, bailiffs also act on so-called “credible documents” from creditors — such as utility or phone company bills and debts towards banks — without prior court verdicts. At the beginning of 2019, bailiffs were tasked with enforcing more than 300.000 individual cases of debt in a country of six million inhabitants.
+
+Today, the enforcement of debt repayments has become paramount — it can be done from dawn till dusk, under extreme weather, during holidays and without taking health and socio-economic status of the people being evicted into account. People often lose not only their homes, but also their furniture and family heirlooms, which are auctioned off. Public bailiffs also confiscate up to two-thirds of debtors’ salaries and pensions. There have been cases of illegal confiscation of social benefits and alimonies.
+
+The privatization of the bailiff system, aimed at dismantling the so-called “debtors lobby”, gave rise to a new stratum of the middle class that is profiteering from the bailiff system — bailiffs, sales agents and auction hosts, moving companies, better-off buyers, locksmith and private security firms. Debt enforcement continues even when irregularities or frauds have been identified in the court — nothing delays the swift hand of the so-called justice of the capitalist state.
+
+In 2017 alone, 3,736 real estate seizures were carried out, according to the Chamber of Bailiffs, while the daily newspaper Politika states that more than 3,000 families have been evicted from their apartments in the last seven years. Homelessness is being produced at the same rate of new housing blocks.
+
+In Belgrade, over 15 percent of its nearly 700.000 apartments is vacant, while in other cities this number can rise up to 20 percent. At the same time, Serbia is the European champion in terms of overcrowded housing with more than half of the households classified as such.
+
+**Growing repression of the housing movement**
+
+At the beginning of 2017, several left-wing organizations and individuals founded a housing justice organization called the Roof (Združena akcija Krov nad glavom). Through community organizing, advocacy work, research, awareness campaigns, protests, bank occupations and more than a hundred anti-eviction actions, the organization has played a crucial role in shifting the ideological paradigm — evictions are no longer viewed as private affairs of indebted individuals, but as the illegitimate dispossession of ordinary people by the rich, which must be resisted.
+
+More and more people who are struggling with housing problems are joining the movement. The main goal of the Roof is to struggle for a society where no one will be homeless, a society where the right to a home is guaranteed.
+
+Solidarity and self-organization of people in the streets has been growing. Neighbors and co-workers are getting increasingly involved in anti-eviction actions and the state is pressuring the movement. As of now, members of the organization are faced with more than 20 individual criminal charges for obstructing police — each carrying a potential prison sentence from one to three years.
+
+In April 2019 the police took 17 activist of the Roof who gathered in solidarity with Mandić family in Novi Sad into custody. The Mandić family had invested €40.000 in a joint construction effort together with another family who owned the land. They gave the money in advance, without a written contract, counting on the verbal agreement. Instead of honoring the agreement the landowners took the money and filed a lawsuit against Mandić family. Without written proof that they gave the money to the landowners Mandić family lost the case and were evicted from the half-finished house.
+
+Another mass arrest took place in the summer of 2018, when police surrounded a building where 22 refugees from Kosovo, Bosnia and Croatia had been occupying empty flats for the past ten years. The Commissariat for Refugees was determined to evict them. Activists charged the police line and managed to break through to the building and block the entrance. They were all rounded up and sent to the police station. Thanks to the heroic efforts that were televised, the eviction was canceled and the Commissariat agreed to negotiate.
+
+Last June, two activists of the Roof were attacked and brutally beaten on the university campus by two masked men. The same men had been seen plastering “Serbian Right” posters on the campus — a right-wing proxy party that does the dirty work for the ruling Serbian Progressive Party.
+
+This attack clearly reveals the reactionary role of the various right-wing organizations that are under the direct control of the government. They serve as a tool for dealing with people who are fighting for a better and just society. This attack is an example of increased repression and the determination of the state to criminalize solidarity by all means necessary.
+
+**"No one without a home, a home for all — now!"**
+
+After two years of intensive street mobilizations and anti-eviction struggles, the government reacted to the mounting pressure by changing the Law on Enforcement. The law was drafted with the support of the EU, USAID and the Council of foreign investors, but without the participation of the Roof and the public, without prior public debate and quickly voted through parliament during the summer of 2019.
+
+Instead of addressing pressing grievances with the current system of evictions, the state criminalized solidarity by implementing fines and prison sentences for “eviction obstruction”. When the law comes into force, even filming an eviction procedure will be deemed as “obstruction of the eviction process” and can land you in prison. The law also ramped up eviction costs as a way of discouraging people from resisting. This is a clear indication that the state stood up for the protection of the bailiffs’ and unscrupulous creditors’ interests.
+
+In June 2019, as an attempt to pressure the law makers, the Roof organized a public protest under the slogan “No one without a home, a home for all — now!” The rally began with a minute of silence for Ljubica Stajić, who had committed suicide a few days before by setting her apartment on fire.
+
+Several days later, activists of the Roof protested outside the European Union embassy in Serbia and demanded a meeting with the European Delegation chief — since EU institutions have been supporting the implementation of the law on enforcement. The EU had praised the results of the bailiffs in its report on the progress of Serbia in EU integration, and had secretly funded and organized so-called round table discussions about the law that had been closed for the general public. The European Delegation avoided a meeting with activists of the Roof in which the question of the EU’s responsibility in the process of passing this criminal law was to be raised.
+
+Thanks to the pressure from organized resistance, evictions have become difficult to ignore; instead of giving up, more and more people choose to defend their homes by seeking help in their communities. The struggle is spreading from the capital to other cities, towns and villages and a new nationwide movement for the right of housing is within sight.
+
+What has changed in the last two years is that the dispossessed are no longer left to their own means.

content/session/crisisofcare.md

@@ -6,30 +6,34 @@ title: "The Crisis of Care and its Criminalisation"
 
 ## Some key readings
 
-- ![](bib:f13782c5-42e1-467c-8e18-952660ca4f42)
+- Fraser, Nancy. ["Contradictions of capital and care."](https://newleftreview.org/issues/II100/articles/nancy-fraser-contradictions-of-capital-and-care) New Left Review 100.99 (2016).
 
-- ![](bib:11e7c941-5532-44b7-9bc4-8c786263f53d)
 
-- ![](bib:176c4b7c-8bad-4339-8b67-80b25a57c232)
+- David Graeber. [“Caring too much. That's the curse of the working classes.”](https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/mar/26/caring-curse-working-class-austerity-solidarity-scourge)  The Guardian, 26 March 2014.
 
-- ![](bib:71deb6e9-c12a-4734-9faa-e3aa6b730cbd)
 
-- ![](bib:d2b7afcf-21ef-4ce7-8f7c-ed7b5daebdfa)
+- Miranda Hall. [“The crisis of care.com”](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/oureconomy/crisis-carecom/) , openDemocracy.net, 11th February 2020.
+
+
+- Evelyn Nakano Glenn, [Forced to Care: Coercion and Caregiving in America](https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/ab05564f-e1b0-4172-94ac-39efe920768f). Harvard University Press, 2010.
+
+
+- Uma Narayan. “Colonialism and Its Others: Considerations on Rights and Care Discourses.” Hypatia, Vol. 10, No. 2 (Spring, 1995), pp. 133-140.
 
 
 ## Reports
 
-- ![](bib:6a297e6d-941c-4c00-a79d-67f3661df5e6)
-> This report takes a comprehensive look at unpaid and paid care work and its relationship with the changing world of work. A key focus is the persistent gender inequalities in households and the labour market, which are inextricably linked with care work.
-
-- ![](bib:91dc5284-3a52-4d4a-a3e8-fdc2cf45be1f)
-
-- ![](bib:93d53d4a-18dd-4507-b07b-12110c72778a)
+- [Care work and care jobs for the future of decent work](https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---dcomm/---publ/documents/publication/wcms_633135.pdf), ILO Report, 2018, by Laura Addati, Umberto Cattaneo, Valeria Esquivel and Isabel Valarino.
+This report takes a comprehensive look at unpaid and paid care work and its relationship with the changing world of work. A key focus is the persistent gender inequalities in households and the labour market, which are inextricably linked with care work.
+- [Time to Care.  Unpaid and underpaid care work and the global inequality crisis.](https://oxfamilibrary.openrepository.com/bitstream/handle/10546/620928/bp-time-to-care-inequality-200120-en.pdf?fbclid=IwAR0aDqp4-Sawg6QjN5BTHC_4VThfXLPRJd2bprqdbmEQUaN7LyFYh0cU2hw) Oxfam briefing Paper, January 2020. 
 
 
-## Exercise: Spending Time with the Data
+- Mensah, Kwadwo, Maureen Mackintosh, and Leroi Henry. [The “Skills Drain” of Health Professionals from the Developing World: a Framework for Policy Formulation.](https://www.medact.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/03/2.-the-skills-drain-of-health-professionals.pdf) London: Medact, February 2005. 
 
-Here are some data on the global crisis of care from the ILO and Oxfam reports:
+
+## Exercise: Spending Time with the Data 
+
+Here are some data on the global crisis of care:
 
 > The monetary value of women’s unpaid care work globally for women aged 15 and over is at least $10.8 trillion annually –three times the size of the world’s tech industry.
 
@@ -54,56 +58,67 @@ Here are some data on the global crisis of care from the ILO and Oxfam reports:
 > Men’s contribution to unpaid care work has increased in some countries over the past 20 years. Yet, between 1997 and 2012, the gender gap in time spent in unpaid care declined by only 7 minutes (from 1 hour and 49 minutes to 1 hour and 42 minutes) in the 23 countries with available time series data. At this pace, it will take 210 years (i.e. until 2228) to close the gender gap in unpaid care work in these countries.
 
 
-**Questions to move from reflection to action:**
+(These statistics are lifted from the ILO and the Oxfam reports cited above).
 
-- How are those global data reflected in your institution, city, neighbourhood, region, state, etc.?
-- If you don’t have access to this information, how would it be possible for you to find the relevant data around the crisis of care in your own context?
-- To whom should you talk to? Institutions, activist groups, other agencies?
-- Could you produce your own data, if they are not available? If so, what methods could you use? What skills and tools would you need? How much time?
+
+**Questions to move from reflection to action**
+
+- How are those global data reflected in your institution, city, neighbourhood, region, state, etc.? 
+- If you don’t have access to this information, how would it be possible for you to find the relevant data around the crisis of care in your own context? 
+- To whom should you talk to? Institutions, activist groups, other agencies? 
+- Could you produce your own data, if they are not available? If so, what methods could you use? What skills and tools would you need? How much time? 
 
 
 # The Criminalization of Care and Solidarity
 
 ## Reports:
 
-- ![](bib:2865ef11-cf63-4599-8e91-12d8e8c7618d)
+- ReSOMA (Research Social Platform on Migration and Asylum), [Crackdown on NGOs and volunteers helping refugees and other migrants.](http://www.resoma.eu/sites/resoma/resoma/files/policy_brief/pdf/Final%20Synthetic%20Report%20-%20Crackdown%20on%20NGOs%20and%20volunteers%20helping%20refugees%20and%20other%20migrants_1.pdf) Synthetic Report. June 2019
 
-- ![](bib:eb088d6d-7b10-4fd7-ad0f-817f52f3caea)
+- Centre for Peace Studies. [Criminalisation of Solidarity.](https://www.cms.hr/system/article_document/doc/616/CPS_Policy_brief_Criminalisation_of_solidarity.pdf) Policy Brief. Zagreb, October 2019 
 
-- ![](bib:a4905f6a-3f19-4c7b-a977-61fc90a9b194)
+- Marine Buissonniere  et al., [The Criminalization of Healthcare.](https://www1.essex.ac.uk/hrc/documents/54198-criminalization-of-healthcare-web.pdf) June 2018
 
 
-## Examples
+
+## Examples 
 
 Below are listed some recent examples of the criminalization of care and solidarity (mainly from the European and North American contexts):
 
-- ![](bib:80fde6bc-6c0f-4dd6-a988-d23bfd252a44)
+- Smith, H. (2018) [‘Arrest of Syrian ‘hero swimmer’ puts Lesbos refugees back in spotlight.’](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/sep/06/arrest-of-syrian-hero-swimmer-lesbos-refugees-sara-mardini) The Guardian, 6th September
+- [Sea-Watch hails Italian court decision to free Carola Rackete](https://www.aljazeera.com/news/europe/2019/07/sea-watch-hails-italian-court-decision-free-carola-rackete-190703070005678.html)
 
-- ![](bib:34f71d6b-909e-4ebe-a525-075f32c0b0f0)
 
-- ![](bib:4265adbb-1fe2-4cfb-b7a6-78d407a9bc27)
+- [Criminalisation of Solidarity in Croatia](https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/eng/Areas/Croatia/Croatia-criminalisation-of-solidarity-190998)
 
-- ['Water Not Walls: A Webinar with No More Deaths'](https://nomoredeaths.org/webinar-water-not-walls-resisting-the-criminalization-of-aid-in-the-borderlands/)
+- [No More Deaths](https://nomoredeaths.org/webinar-water-not-walls-resisting-the-criminalization-of-aid-in-the-borderlands/)
 
-- ![](bib:c3fb637f-f541-471e-b6ea-498b1ab96b88)
 
-- ![](bib:e9089646-b8a1-4c32-ad88-716af20b7b3f)
+- [Spanish firefighters on trial for rescuing refugees at sea](https://english.elpais.com/elpais/2018/05/07/inenglish/1525676312_002491.html) El Pais, 5th July 2018. 
 
-- ![](bib:91d6ba89-07eb-4c1a-8b13-98969ab9555d)
+- Amnesty International. [Demand the charges against Sarah and Seán are dropped.](https://www.amnesty.org/en/get-involved/take-action/w4r-2019-greece-sean-binder-and-sarah-mardini/?fbclid=IwAR1gM0jHIiYmovvHSJ3Px5zyIxteIEt4pKvsUGtRpaY_gIFZMRvjiK8alXw)
 
-- ![](bib:5a63a496-881c-4f46-b0ef-83b78ed71e1d)
 
-- ![](bib:b683b581-bb04-4add-a103-636535d6d29d)
+- [Eric Lundgren, ‘e-waste’ recycling innovator, faces prison for trying to extend life span of PCs.](https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/true-crime/wp/2018/02/15/eric-lundgren-e-waste-recycling-innovator-faces-prison-for-trying-to-extend-lifespan-of-pcs/) Washington Post, 15th February 2018.
 
-- ![](bib:9a87b202-c8de-4972-9ee0-2324fb92a200)
 
-- ![](bib:de546849-c45c-44da-bbb8-83f0876d60aa)
+- The Red Cross, [The EU must stop the criminalisation of solidarity with migrants and refugees](https://redcross.eu/latest-news/the-eu-must-stop-the-criminalisation-of-solidarity-with-migrants-and-refugees), Statement. 26th July 2019. 
 
-- ![](bib:1689925d-59cc-4705-8e5e-1b4cbb8751dd)
+- Justin Peters, [The Idealist: Aaron Swartz and the Rise of Free Culture on the Internet.](https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/202d5762-ada8-4b8a-a771-54b57322b805) Scribner, 2016.
 
-- ![](bib:c86ff5db-7b8b-4a5d-9cb3-f598b4f5a470)
 
-- ![](bib:3c71a621-687b-4326-807b-16ed368c45e8)
+- Sea-Watch. [#ElHiblu3: Teenagers out on bail after almost 8 months of detention.](https://sea-watch.org/en/elhiblu3-bail_pr/)
+
+
+- Mediterranea Rescue. [Mediterranea: the Court of Palermo orders the release of Mare Jonio. Our ship is finally free; the Safety Decrees have been invalidated.](https://mediterranearescue.org/en/news-en/mediterranea-the-court-of-palermo-orders-the-release-of-mare-jonio-our-ship-is-finally-free-the-safety-decrees-have-been-invalidated/) Tuesday 4 February 2020
+
+- [In Tampa, Food Not Bombs activists arrested for feeding the homeless—again.](https://www.cltampa.com/news-views/local-news/article/20848403/tampa-activists-arrested-for-feeding-the-homeless) CLTampa.com, January 2017.
+
+
+- [Hungary’s rough sleepers go into hiding as homelessness made illegal](https://www.irishtimes.com/news/world/europe/hungary-s-rough-sleepers-go-into-hiding-as-homelessness-made-illegal-1.3677005), The Irish Times, 2018
+
+       
+- La Via Campesina. [Seed laws that criminalise farmers: resistance and fightback](https://www.grain.org/article/entries/5142-seed-laws-that-criminalise-farmers-resistance-and-fightback). GRAIN, 8 April 2015.
 
 
 
@@ -113,10 +128,16 @@ The criminalization of care and solidarity is accompanied by the parallel phenom
 
 - [Docs Not Cops](http://www.docsnotcops.co.uk/)
 
+
 - [#PatientsNotPassports Campaign](https://patientsnotpassports.co.uk/)
 
-- ![](bib:aeda8c92-0dc1-4d45-9e68-92ddc74c49db)
 
-- ![](bib:cbb71900-7c81-4f1d-a229-3a6e631594d4)
+- Rights Watch UK. [Preventing Education? Human Rights and UK Counter-Terrorism Policy In Schools.](http://rwuk.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/preventing-education-final-to-print-3.compressed-1.pdf) July 2016
+
+
+- National Union of Students UK. [Preventing PREVENT Handbook 2017.](https://www.nusconnect.org.uk/resources/preventing-prevent-handbook) The NUS Black Students' Campaign have created this handbook to counter the PREVENT agenda on campuses.
+
+- Islamic Human Rights Commission. [The PREVENT Strategy: Campaign Resources.](https://www.ihrc.org.uk/activities/projects/11472-the-prevent-strategy-campaign-resources/#chapter9) June 21, 2015. 
+
+
 
-- ![](bib:cdef45fd-f7a3-49fb-8b63-3089e340a713)

content/session/debtandhousingstruggles.md

@@ -17,3 +17,189 @@ We have been led by states and financial institutions to believe that it is natu
 ## How to learn together
 
 Read the proposed articles before you come to the session. Watch the film together. Organize a discussion round. Use a mind map to collectively organize your thoughts. Feed in as much detail as you can. Use critically what you have read. Include your personal experience. Share your mind map with other Pirate Care Syllabus users by downloading it on the web page. 
+
+
+{{< raw >}}
+<div class="pagebreak" style="font-family: vg5000-regular,sans; font-size: 1rem; padding-top: 2rem; padding-bottom: 2rem; color: #996561">▒  ☠ ▒ ▒▒▒ ▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒ 🐟▒ ☄ ▒▒▒▒ ▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒</div>
+{{< /raw >}}
+
+# Raquel Rolnik: 'The Global Financialisation on Housing'
+**In *Urban Warfare: Housing Under the Empire of Finance*, Verso, 2019**
+
+
+**Scenes from the beginning of the twenty-first century, September 2010.**
+
+It was a cold and windy morning in Astana, the futuristic capital of Kazakhstan. After crossing a sort of plateau ablaze with the shiny creations of fashionable big-name architects, we finally arrived in a large tent to meet the hunger strikers. Lying on hammocks surrounded by signs written in Kazakh and Russian, Asian-looking elderly people were mixed with red-haired white women and middle-aged couples, taking shifts in beds and chairs. Having paid the instalments for apartments they had acquired off-plan, they were victims of construction companies that had gone bankrupt and disappeared, leaving the buildings’ skeletons unfinished and families with neither home nor money.
+
+Astana’s hunger strikers were just the most daring among the 16,000 borrowers affected by the bankruptcy of – mainly Turkish – construction companies that had already halted 450 projects.[^1] In addition to the hunger strikers, there were also those affected by foreclosures in Almaty, the country’s historic capital and economic centre. During the years of credit boom, Kazakh banks and their clients contracted debts in both US dollars and euros, and were now struggling to pay their obligations.
+
+In Astana and Almaty, the victims of the economic crisis, many now homeless, told us that they had been strongly encouraged by the government to buy apartments via mortgage credit certificates. (The president, Nursultan Nazarbayev, led the Communist Party during the USSR era and has been head of the government since Independence.) They also reported that the public institutions in which many of them used to work had even sponsored the sales of apartments to their employees. The group of strikers in Almaty, mostly made up of women, received me in a small apartment decorated with a banner that read: ‘Government, help your people’.[^2]
+
+**May 2012**
+
+We climbed the highest hill of Puente Alto, in Santiago de Chile’s metropolitan region, in order to look across the Bajos de Mena area. It is one of the neighbourhoods in which thousands of social housing projects built by private companies are concentrated. They were commercialised via an association of mortgage credit certificates and governmental subsidies to low-income borrowers. These estates have been built in Chile since the beginning of the 1980s. The view is impressive: a sea of houses and four- or five-storey buildings as far as you can see.
+
+The housing rights activists who accompanied me pointed to Volcán II, a housing estate in the process of being demolished. They explained that this neighbourhood has become one of the metropolitan region’s most problematic areas from a social point of view: drug addiction and trafficking, domestic violence and social vulnerability.[^3]
+
+They also showed me a 1983 document, written at the moment of the launch of Chile’s housing program. It was signed by the then minister of housing and urbanism, a man from the Chilean Chamber of Construction. In the document, he declared that the need for housing is ‘an element of social order that is translated and expressed in square metres’ and that the demand for housing is ‘a factor of economic order that is materialised in monetary quantities’.[^4]
+
+**Autumn 2009**
+
+The streets of Pacoima, a few kilometres away from Los Angeles, California, looked like a ghost town. In the suburban landscape of front yards reaching to the streets, signs of abandonment were everywhere: mountains of forgotten rubble; dozens of ‘For Sale’ and ‘For Rent’ signs next to mailboxes; doors and windows sealed with wood or bricks. The minister of a local church, who accompanied me in the visit, told sad stories of families who’d had to leave their homes because they could not afford the repayments on their loans. He evoked the difficulties of those who remained in the neighbourhood, struggling to survive in a town that, having lost its fiscal base, could not keep basic services running.
+
+At the end of a street, in an old SUV transformed into a home, Roger, Mary and their young children were cooking pasta on an improvised stove: ‘We’ve lost our house and we simply have nowhere to go.’
+
+**November 2012**
+
+As morning broke in a neighbourhood of Bilbao in the Basque Country, cash machines and bank headquarters were covered in graffiti: ‘murderers’. It was the day after fifty-three-year-old Amaia Egaña’s suicide. She jumped from the window of her fourth-floor apartment, moments before being evicted. She had failed to pay the instalments for the bank loan that she had taken out to buy the apartment. This was the second death in similar circumstances in less than one month.[^5] Bilbao was not the only – nor the most seriously – affected city in terms of foreclosures. According to data from the Spanish judicial system, between 2007 and the third trimester of 2011, 349,438 home foreclosures were initiated in Spain. According to the same source, on each day of 2011, 212 new foreclosure processes were opened.[^6]
+
+**1 March 2012**
+
+In Barcelona, one of the cities most rocked by the crisis, I attend an assembly of the Plataforma de Afectados por la Hipoteca (Platform for People Affected by Mortgages). Since 2009, this social movement has worked to organise the people concerned in order to make the crisis visible, establishing support networks and lobbying for the promotion of public policies to address this situation. I listen to dozens of testimonies during the meetings: Latin American migrants who lost their jobs and could no longer pay the instalments; pensioners who, as guarantors of their children’s loans, now must hand over their own home to banks; couples who lost their home and still have huge debts … All this because, in Spain, with the drop in property prices after the bubble burst, the value that banks obtain from the sale of a house does not cover the entirety of the debt.
+
+Moreover, if no buyer is present at the auction of the confiscated house (which happens in 90 per cent of cases), the law stipulates that the value of the property covers only 60 per cent of the total loan.[^7] As a result, in addition to losing their homes, people remain mired in debt.
+
+**Summer 2011**
+
+At dawn in Tel Aviv, one of the city’s most important arteries, Dizengoff Street, is filled by tents. The occupation of public spaces was part of the strategy of thousands of demonstrators – mostly young people – against the lack of accessible housing. The decade-long spiralling rise of real-estate prices had reached its peak. The lack of rental options and public housing in areas in which economic opportunities are concentrated had put housing policy at the centre of Israel’s political agenda that summer.
+
+**August 2013**
+
+When I entered the nineteenth-century hall of an old factory, now converted into a culture and events centre in Manchester, I remembered Friedrich Engels’s writings and thought: ‘The saga started here’.[^8]
+
+We arrived just as the first part of the meeting was about to finish. On the walls, signs written in marker spelt out strategies and schedules for the following months. It was one of the regional meetings for the campaign against the bedroom tax – one of the coalition government’s recently implemented fiscal austerity measures that most severely affected residents of British housing estates. Our presence was announced, and anyone who felt comfortable sharing their experience was invited through to another room.
+
+Around thirty people gathered next door. There was hesitation at first. Many of them had known each other for months, having participated together in preparatory mobilisations and meetings; however, they had never talked about their personal dramas. A middle-aged lady stood up and said that she was a professional nurse, a widow, and that she used the extra bedroom in her house to occasionally host her two granddaughters. Her daughter, addicted to cocaine, was unable to look after the children in moments of relapse. Losing the two-bedroom house would mean inability to provide this support to her daughter and granddaughters.
+
+Another woman said she suffered from depression and, having lived for thirty years on the same estate, could count on a network of friendly neighbours to help her keep stable. Therefore, she said, she chose not to move out, despite having to pay a penalty to live alone in a two-bedroom apartment. Ashamed, she admitted that now she could hardly afford to buy food, so that, as well as resorting to food banks,[^9] she had often looked for left-overs in the estate’s bins.
+
+Other accounts followed, but the most touching moment – at least for me – was when a young man, in an electric wheelchair and showing clear signs of a learning disability, said that he could never move away from the estate where he lived, alone, in a two-bedroom apartment. For him, daily life required a herculean effort to remain autonomous and dignified despite his extremely fragile physical and mental situation. His life was entirely based on his existence – and permanence – in that community.
+
+**October 2010**
+
+After walking for seventy kilometres, a forty-year-old Indian carpenter suffers a fatal heart attack. The goal of his walk was to borrow money from friends who lived in a different town, in order to pay his micro-credit debts. A report from the Indian government stated that his death was ‘due to pressure put by the micro-finance institutions for repayment’. In 2002, the carpenter had borrowed US$350 from a micro-credit institution in order to build a room in his house. His wife, working in a tobacco factory, had already borrowed US$1,100 from her employers. In 2008, he was persuaded by another micro-credit agent to borrow an additional US$330 in order to cover the previous debts. When he died, the payment of all three loans was more than twenty weeks late. This was not the first nor the last death related to micro-credit debts occurring that year in the state of Andhra Pradesh.[^10]
+
+The scenes I have described – in places as diverse as Europe, the US, Latin America, the Middle East and Asia – are the expression and result of a long process of deconstruction of housing as a social good and its transformation into a commodity and a financial asset, which began in the first decade of the twenty-first century.
+
+The extent and impact of this process go far beyond the financial subprime mortgage crisis that, spreading from the US since 2007, contaminated the international financial system. It is, in fact, the takeover of the housing sector by finance – the structural element of contemporary capitalism. We live under the empire of finance and fictitious capital hegemony, an era of increasing dominance of rent extraction over productive capital.[^11] The international literature on political economy of housing has termed this process ‘financialisation’, that is, ‘the increasing dominance of financial actors, markets, practices, measurements and narratives, at various scales, resulting in a structural transformation of economies, firms (including financial institutions), states and households’.[^12]
+
+The promotion of the ideology of homeownership,[^13] already deeply rooted in some societies and more recently introduced in others, has been a central element of the new paradigm of housing. Together with the ‘socialisation of credit’, it supported a double movement: on one hand, the inclusion of middle- and low-income consumers into financial circuits; on the other, the takeover of the housing sector by global finance. This process opened a new frontier for capital accumulation, allowing the free circulation of funds throughout almost all urbanised land.[^14]
+
+Between 1980 and 2010, the value of the world’s financial assets – stocks, debentures, private and government bonds, bank investments – increased by a factor of 16.2, while the world’s GDP increased by less than a factor of five in the same period.[^15] This pool of super-accumulation resulted not only from the profits earned by large corporations, but also from the emergence of economies such as China. This ‘wall of money’[^16] increasingly sought new fields of application, transforming whole sectors (such as commodities, education financing and health care) into assets to feed the hunger for new vectors of profitable investment. The imbalance between the size of the available financial capital and the domestic markets from which they originated resulted – mainly from the 1990s – in the search for internationalisation of investments. This environment was responsible for creating a structural scarcity of high-quality collateral. There was a wall of money as if airborne, seeking a ‘spatial fix’ (David Harvey’s concept), a place to land.[^17]
+
+The creation, reform and strengthening of housing financial systems became one of these new fields for surplus investment, both for macroeconomics and domestic finance and for this new flux of international capital. The creation of a subprime mortgage market was one of the main vehicles used to connect domestic systems of housing finance to global markets. However, other non-bank financial instruments, as well as interbank loans, allowed local banks and other intermediaries to increase their leverage, enlarging credit availability.[^18] The entrance of global surpluses of capital allowed credit to grow beyond internal markets’ sizes and capacities, creating and inflating real-estate bubbles.
+
+The takeover of the housing sector by finance does not represent the mere opening of another field of investment for capital. It is, in fact, a peculiar form of value storage, as it directly relates macroeconomics to individuals and families, and allows, through financing mechanisms, the interconnection of many central actors of the global financial system – such as pension funds, investment banks, shadow banking, credit institutions and public institutions.[^19]
+
+In highly dynamic economies, including some EU countries and the US, homeownership, because of its capacity to feed growth via credit, was also responsible for propelling the rise in household consumption in a context of wage reduction and limited employment growth.[^20]
+
+On the other hand, the public or semi-public nature of housing institutions and financial policies defines this sector as one of high political relevance.[^21] No setting-up of housing financing systems – regardless of its degree of connection to global finance – can happen without state action. Government intervention is needed not only to regulate finance, but also to build the political hegemony of the notion of home as a commodity and financial asset. Therefore, in every context that I have observed in different nation states, this movement also had significant political effects by creating and consolidating a conservative popular base, in which citizens are replaced by consumers and players in capital markets. It is in this sense that we may affirm, with Fernandez and Aalbers, that ‘This housing-finance elixir acts like a political drug.’[^22]
+
+Finally, we must flag up the huge impact that changes in housing provision formats have over cities’ structures. Through land markets and urban regulation, the new political economy of housing also involved a new political economy of urbanisation, restructuring cities. It is not only a new housing policy, but also a redesign of cities by the expansion of an urban, real-estate/financial complex.[^23]
+
+Thousands of mortgaged lives, the subprime victims of a decade-long credit supply boom; empty neighbourhoods, desolate cities; demonstrators occupying streets and public spaces for months; a hunger strike of proprietors deprived of their promised apartments. Some of the scenes described at the beginning of this chapter took place in the immediate wake of the 2007 US subprime mortgage crisis. After the bubble burst, the crisis quickly spread across the world, at the speed of financial products and with the intensity of the globalisation of markets to which the mortgage market was connected. It is not surprising that the first sector affected by the crisis was housing. Supplied by pension funds, hedge funds, private equities and other ‘fictional products’, housing became a fictional product itself when it was taken over by finance.[^24]
+
+The intensity of this change can be described as a movement that transformed a ‘sleeping beauty’ – the hitherto inert, immobile and illiquid housing from the Bretton Woods period – into a neoliberal ‘fantastic ballet’, in which assets leap from hand to hand through fast and constant transactions.[^25]
+
+That movement led to a change in the paradigm of housing policy in almost every nation on the planet. Formulated in Wall Street and in the City of London, rolled out for the first time by North American and British neoliberal politicians at the end of the 1970s and beginning of the 1980s, the change in the economic role of housing was further powered by the fall of the Berlin Wall and the free market hegemony that followed. Adopted by governments or imposed as a conditionality to access loans by multilateral financial institutions – such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) – the new paradigm is based mainly on the implementation of policies that create stronger and bigger housing financial markets, drawing in the low- and middle-income consumers previously excluded from them.
+
+At the end of the 1970s and throughout the 1980s, in response to economic and fiscal crises, a series of policies began to dismantle the basic institutional components that sustained the welfare state systems. Among the roots of these crises, especially relevant were the drop of Fordist sectors’ profitability, the intensification of international competition, the exacerbation of deindustrialisation and mass unemployment, and the suspension of the Bretton Woods monetary system. The set of policies adopted by states after the crisis of Fordist development was generically named ‘neoliberalism’.[^26]
+
+Despite being a general tendency, neoliberal restructuring strategies are applied to specific institutional configurations, particular socio-political power constellations, and pre-existing spatial configurations. In other words, since neoliberalism is an eminently unequal process, any perspective that ignores each country’s political and economic context has little explanatory strength.
+
+The importance of contexts becomes clear when we examine the reforms of housing systems in different countries in that period. In general terms, there is a move to dismantle social and public housing policies, destabilise security of tenure – including rental arrangements – and convert the home into a financial asset. However, this process is path-dependent: the institutional scenarios inherited by each country are fundamental for the construction of the emergent neoliberal strategies. Neoliberal policies must be understood as an amalgam between these two moments: it is a process of partial destruction of what exists and of trend creation of new structures.
+
+In countries such as Britain or the Netherlands, with their strong welfare state systems, the new watchword was privatisation – or even destruction – of public housing stocks, and drastic reduction of public funding for social housing. Instead, the creation of a mortgage-based financial system was stimulated in order to encourage the purchase of homes in the private market. Moreover, subsidies began to be redirected towards supply rather than demand.
+
+This budget reduction and the demolition of public housing units also occurred in the US. However, there are significant differences. Firstly, the idea of a welfare state system was never fully implanted there. Moreover, the support for homeownership based on mortgage credit certificates has been the guiding principle of US housing policy since the 1930s. Throughout the 1980s, the building of public housing units by the state was gradually replaced by a policy of mass stimulation of home purchase via subprime credit. Everywhere, the presence of these credit certificates and the deregulation of the rental market were designed to dismantle existing options of access to housing, and stimulate home-purchase as the only pathway to a roof over one’s head. Spain is one of the paradigmatic examples of this route.
+
+Twenty years ago, an influential World Bank report – Housing: Enabling Markets to Work – summarised this new line of thought on housing policy.[^27] This document contains not only arguments about how important the housing sector would be to the economy, but also directives to governments on how best to formulate their policies. Since the 1990s, housing financing grew radically in developed economies. In the US, UK, Denmark, Australia and Japan, for example, residential mortgage markets represent between 50 and 100 per cent of GDP.[^28]
+
+According to another World Bank document, intended to promote mortgage markets in emergent economies, other countries have also seen an increase in housing financialisation, although at a slower pace. Residential mortgage markets in South Korea, South Africa, Malaysia, Chile, and the Baltic countries accounted for 20 to 35 per cent of their GDPs. More recently, this phenomenon arrived in other countries (China, Thailand, Mexico, the majority of EU new members, Morocco, Jordan, Brazil, Turkey, Peru, Kazakhstan and Ukraine), where residential mortgage markets represent between 6 and 17 per cent of GDP. According to the World Bank, this ‘progress’ can also be observed in some less developed countries such as Indonesia, Egypt, Pakistan, Senegal, Uganda, Mali, Mongolia and Bangladesh, ‘but not on a large-enough scale to address some of the chronic housing issues they face’.[^29]
+
+From the old Central Asian and Eastern European Soviet Bloc all the way to Latin America, and from Africa to Asia, the takeover of the housing sector by finance has been a massive and hegemonic tendency. So much so, that a World Bank publication crowed – one decade after the launch of the housing private market manifesto referred to previously – that ‘the genie is out of the bottle.’[^30]
+
+The mercantilisation of housing – as well as the increased use of housing as an asset integrated into a globalised financial market – deeply undermined the right to adequate housing around the world. The belief that markets could regulate the allocation of housing, combined with the development of experimental and ‘creative’ financial products, led to the abandonment of public policies that regarded housing as part of the social commons. In the new political economy, centred around housing as a means of access to wealth, the home becomes a fixed capital asset whose value resides in its expectation of generating more value in the future, depending on the oscillations of the (always assumed) rise of real-estate prices.[^31]
+
+Like other social spheres, housing was affected by the dismantlement of basic welfare institutions and by the mobilisation of a series of policies aiming to expand market discipline, competition and commodification.[^32] These new ideas confronted the welfare systems and economic-political coalitions around housing that had previously existed in each country.
+
+In former socialist countries, in the US and in many European countries, the privatisation of public housing and drastic cuts in state investment in social housing were combined with reductions in welfare programs and rental subsidies. These measures were accompanied by the deregulation of financial markets and by a new urban strategy, allowing domestic capital mobilisation and international capital recycling. The new tendencies had a smaller impact in less developed countries, where welfare housing systems had never existed, or were small and marginal compared to the housing needs. The global imposition of neoliberalism has been highly unequal – both socially and geographically – and its institutional forms and socio-political consequences vary significantly around the world. In each context, much depends on specific interactions between inherited regulatory landscapes and emerging market-oriented restructuration projects.[^33]
+
+By considering the World Bank’s first document as a starting point and the 2007 subprime mortgage crisis as the first large international trigger, this first chapter of the book has mapped some of the key elements of the neoliberal perspective on housing and its impact on the right to housing in different contexts.[^34]
+
+Through observing different countries’ housing trajectories during my mandate as the UN special rapporteur on adequate housing, I detected three forms that the process of financialisation of housing can assume, which differ from each other not only in their origin, but also in the kind of impact they have on economies, cities and people’s lives. They are: mortgage-based systems; systems based on the association of financial credit with direct governmental subsidies linked to the purchase of market-produced units; and micro-finance schemes.
+
+As with every generalisation, these are for the most part models abstracted from the specificity of concrete situations, and not a rigorous classification. However, they allow us to understand the patterns of financialisation governing the takeover of the housing sector – in all its diversity – by the financial sector.[^35]
+
+In the US and the majority of European countries – which had previous experience of public housing provision, and enjoyed significant economic development in the Fordist period – the development of a residential mortgage financial market was the main mechanism for the promotion of homeownership. It increasingly replaced rental systems – however regulated, provisioned or subsidised by the state – as the dominant form. It is these countries’ experience that I will analyse in the next pages.
+
+
+[^1]: Raquel Rolnik, *Report: Mission to Kazakhstan*, A/HRC/16/42/Add.3, 2011, written in collaboration with Stefano Sensi. All mission and thematic reports that I presented to the UN and that are cited in the book are available on the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights’ website: ohchr.org. The identification provided after the report’s title in the Notes is the easiest way of finding the text through the website search tool.
+
+[^2]: Olzhas Auyezov, ‘Troubled Kazakh Homeowners Protest over Foreclosures’, Reuters, 18 March 2009. Available at: in.reuters.com, accessed 4 Dec. 2014.
+
+[^3]: Alfredo Rodríguez, Ana Sugranyes and Manuel Tironi, ‘Anexo 1: Resultados de una encuesta’, in Alfredo Rodríguez and Ana Sugranyes (eds), *Los con techo: Un desafío para la política de vivienda social* (Santiago, SUR, 2005), pp. 225–6.
+
+[^4]: Ana Sugranyes, ‘La política habitacional en Chile, 1980–2000: un éxito liberal para dar techo a los pobres’, in Rodríguez and Sugranyes (eds), *Los con techo*, pp. 23–33; Fernando Jiménez Cavieres, *Chilean Housing Policy: A Case of Social and Spatial Exclusion?* (doctorate thesis in Architecture, Fakultät VII, Architektur Umwelt Gesellschaft, Technische Universität Berlin, 2006).
+
+[^5]: Martin Roberts, ‘Spanish Banks to Restrict Evictions after Suicides’, *Guardian*, 12 November 2012. Available at: theguardian.com, accessed 6 Oct. 2014.
+
+[^6]: Ada Colau and Adrià Alemany, *Vidas hipotecadas: De la burbuja inmobiliaria al derecho a la vivienda* (Barcelona, Cuadrilátero de Libros, 2012).
+
+[^7]: Raúl Guillén, ‘Em Madri, vidas hipotecadas’, *Le Monde Diplomatique Brasil*, São Paulo, dossier n. 8, year 1 (Nov.–Dec. 2011).
+
+[^8]: See Friedrich Engels, *The Condition of the Working Class in England* (1845) and *The Housing Question* (1872).
+
+[^9]: Food banks stock farmers’ surplus produce and food donated by individuals. In the UK, food banks usually donate directly to the person in need, referred by social services.
+
+[^10]: Soutik Biswas, ‘India’s Micro-Finance Suicide Epidemic’, BBC, 16 Dec. 2010. Available at: bbc.co.uk, accessed 6 Oct. 2014.
+
+[^11]: David Harvey, *Seventeen Contradictions and the End of Capitalism* (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2014), p. 241.
+
+[^12]: Manuel Aalbers, ‘Corporate Financialization’, in Noel Castree et al. (eds), *The International Encyclopedia of Geography: People, the Earth, Environment, and Technology* (Oxford, Wiley, 2015). Available at: academia.edu, accessed 8 Oct. 2015. See p. 3.
+
+[^13]: Richard Ronald, *The Ideology of Home Ownership: Homeowner Societies and the Role of Housing* (New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2008).
+
+[^14]: David Harvey, *The Urban Experience* (Oxford, Blackwell, 1989); Ugo Rossi, ‘On Life as a Fictitious Commodity: Cities and the Biopolitics of Late Neoliberalism’, *International Journal of Urban and Regional Research*, vol. 37, no. 3 (May 2013).
+
+[^15]: Leda Maria Paulani, ‘O Brasil na crise da acumulação financeirizada’, IV Encuentro Internacional de Economía Política y Derechos Humanos, 2010, p. 5. Available at: madres.org, accessed 6 Oct. 2014.
+
+[^16]: Manuel Aalbers and Rodrigo Fernandez, *Housing and the Variations of Financialized Capitalism*, international seminar, The Real Estate/Financial Complex (Refcom), Leuven, 2014, mimeo, p. 1.
+
+[^17]: International Monetary Fund, *Long-Term Investors and Their Asset Allocation: Where Are They Now?* (Washington, DC, IMF, 2011), cited in Aalbers and Fernandez, *Housing and the Variations of Financialized Capitalism*, p. 13.
+
+[^18]: Aalbers and Fernandez, *Housing and the Variations of Financialized Capitalism*, p. 14.
+
+[^19]: Ibid.
+
+[^20]: Herman M. Schwartz and Leonard Seabrooke, ‘Conclusion: Residential Capitalism and the International Political Economy’, in Schwartz and Seabrooke (eds), *The Politics of Housing Booms and Busts* (London, Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), p. 210.
+
+[^21]: Ibid. p. 209.
+
+[^22]: Aalbers and Fernandez, *Housing and the Variations of Financialized Capitalism*, p. 4.
+
+[^23]: The concept of real-estate/financial complex was presented to me by Manuel Aalbers. He leads research focused on the relationship between real estate, finance and the state, drawing a parallel with the US military–industrial complex. See: ees.kuleuven.be/geography, accessed 10 Aug. 2015.
+
+[^24]: Mariana Fix, *Financeirização e transformações recentes no circuito imobiliário no Brasil* (PhD thesis in Economic Development, Campinas, IE-Unicamp, 2011); Rossi, ‘On Life as a Fictitious Commodity’.
+
+[^25]: Schwartz and Seabrooke, ‘Conclusion’, p. 210; Philippe Zivkovic, ‘Financiarisation de l’immobilier: La réponse innovante du groupe BNP Paribas’, 2006, cited in Higor Rafael de Souza Carvalho, *A cidade como um canteiro de negócios* (Undergraduate Final Work in Architecture and Urban Planning FAU-USP, São Paulo, 2011), p. 155.
+
+[^26]: Neil Brenner and Nik Theodore, ‘Cities and the Geographies of “Actually Existing Neoliberalism” ’, in Brenner and Theodore (eds), *Spaces of Neoliberalism: Urban Restructuring in North America and Western Europe* (Oxford, Blackwell, 2002).
+
+[^27]: World Bank, *Housing: Enabling Markets to Work* (Washington, DC, World Bank, 1993).
+
+[^28]: Herman M. Schwartz and Leonard Seabrooke, ‘Varieties of Residential Capitalism in the International Political Economy: Old Welfare States and the New Politics of Housing’, in Schwartz and Seabrooke (eds), *The Politics of Housing Booms and Busts*, p. 16.
+
+[^29]: Loïc Chiquier and Michael Lea (eds), *Housing Finance Policy in Emerging Markets* (Washington, DC, World Bank, 2009), pp. xxxi–ii.
+
+[^30]: Robert M. Buckley and Jerry Kalarickal (eds), *Thirty Years of World Bank Shelter Lending: What Have We Learned?* (Washington, DC, World Bank, 2006), p. 41.
+
+[^31]: David Harvey, *Limits to Capital* (London and New York, Verso, 2007); *A Companion to Marx’s Capital*, 2 vols (London and New York, Verso, 2013).
+
+[^32]: Brenner and Theodore, ‘Cities and the Geographies of “Actually Existing Neoliberalism” ’.
+
+[^33]: Ibid.
+
+[^34]: World Bank, Housing: Enabling Markets to Work.
+
+[^35]: Raquel Rolnik, *Thematic Report about the Impact of Financialization on the Right to Adequate Housing*, A/67/286, 2012, in collaboration with Lidia Rabinovich.

content/session/dontbeanasshole.md

@@ -10,8 +10,8 @@ title: "Don't be an asshole!"
 
 # Method: Workshop
 
-['A little prison in the Hedgehog's land'](https://www.behance.net/gallery/51615351/Kucica-u-Jezevu#) is a picture book addressing the criminalization of the so-called illegal migrant/refugee wandering through the woods and running from danger. The book was inspired by the tale *Ježeva kučica* (Hedgehog's Home) in which a hedgehog is in search of a home. The title and the story were modified to tell the story of the detention centre in Ježevo ("Hedgehog land") near Zagreb, the Croatian capital. The book was made by the group of students and a mentor at the Centre for Peace Studies in Croatia. The book consists of two parts, one that is a story to read, reflect on and discuss, and the other that represents a game. The booklet can be used in both ways or separately, depending on the specific purpose and time frame. 
+'A little prison in the Hedgehog's land' is a picture book addressing the criminalization of the so-called illegal migrant/refugee wandering through the woods and running from danger. The book was inspired by the tale *Ježeva kučica* (Hedgehog's Home) in which a hedgehog is in search of a home. The title and the story were modified to tell the story of the detention centre in Ježevo ("Hedgehog land") near Zagreb, the Croatian capital. The book was made by the group of students and a mentor at the Centre for Peace Studies in Croatia. The book consists of two parts, one that is a story to read, reflect on and discuss, and the other that represents a game. The booklet can be used in both ways or separately, depending on the specific purpose and time frame. 
 
-*Note: The picture book is in Croatian language only and is not accessible online.*
+*Note: The booklet is in Croatian language only and is not accessible online for now.*
 
 Time: 90 to 120 minutes

content/session/downloadupload.md

@@ -7,7 +7,7 @@ title: "Download/Upload"
 The next session focuses on large repositories of digital text, so-called *shadow libraries*, that are technologically organised around actions of download and upload from and to server infrastructures. The session introduces learners to:
 
 - a) workflows used in digital text sharing, collection-building and collection-maintaining;
-- b) three shadow libraries: [Library Genesis](https://libgen.li/), [Aaaaarg](https://aaaaarg.fail) and [Memory of the World](https://library.memoryoftheworld.org), and the legal pressures they face;
+- b) three shadow libraries: [Library Genesis](https://gen.lib.rus.ec), [Aaaaarg](https://aaaaarg.fail) and [Memory of the World](https://library.memoryoftheworld.org), and the legal pressures they face;
 - c) politicising interventions that articulate practices of digital text sharing as massive, collective and commoning.
 
 The goal is to get learners acquainted with three examples of shadow libraries that are created by communities of contributors and benefit a broader public. The fact that they maintain centralised repositories and they do not obfuscate their existence entails a need for an articulation of politics of collective disobedience and practice of collective custodianship. This session covers a lot of practical ground and different debates, requiring more time than the remaining sessions in this topic. You can break these segments up into separate chunks of time or re-organise them into one longer workshop. Depending on the number of participants and their skills, the time needed for each segments might vary from what is proposed here.

content/session/fromaffinitytoactivist.md

@@ -3,38 +3,40 @@ title: "From an affinity group to an activist organization"
 ---
 
 
+
+
 # Session 3: From an affinity group to an activist organization: maintaining community
 
 
-## Introduction
+**Introduction**
 
-As a small group of activists formalizes their work in organizational terms, and grows in regard of persons and resources involved, difficulties arise from that growth. In particular, ways of doing that were tied to friendships among the small group of activists no longer apply. In this session, organizational mechanisms of care, communication, and decision-making used by Sea Watch are explored critically, to learn and inherit useful mechanisms of continually structuring a growing community of care.
+As a small group of activists formalizes their work in organizational terms, and grows in regard of persons and resources involved, difficulties arise from that growth. In particular, ways of doing that were tied to friendships among the small group of activists no longer apply. In this session, organizational mechanisms of care, communication, and decision-making used by Sea Watch are explored critically, to learn and inherit useful mechanisms of continually structuring a growing community of care. 
 
-## Let’s Learn Together
+### **Let’s Learn Together**
 
 
-### Step 1: Introduce ourselves
+**Step 1: Introduce ourselves**
 
-### Step 2: Care on the ship (2 hours)
+**Step 2: Care on the ship (2 hours)**
 
 
 Explain (1) the buddy system, (2) psychological briefings, (3) knowledge/skill sharing among crew, (4) the cleaning routine and other work of ship maintenance, and (5) care for the guests. Guide a discussion for each, asking participants to connect these mechanisms to their experiences.
 
 (1) The buddy system: Each member of the crew of 22 is paired up with another person (of their choice or random, decided prior to pairing up among and by specific crew members) for the duration of the mission, to check on daily on each other in terms of psychological well-being, especially regarding how they are dealing with stress.
 
-(2) Psychological pre-briefing and de-briefing: Before each mission, the entire crew meets for the first time, joined by an external psychologist, who facilitates their introduction to each other and tackles the topic of stress related to their care work. After the mission, the crew meets again in plenum to share reflections and feelings that came out of what happened during the mission.
+(2) Psychological pre-briefing and de-briefing: Before each mission, the entire crew meets for the first time, joined by an external psychologist, who facilitates their introduction to each other and tackles the topic of stress related to their care work. After the mission, the crew meets again in plenum to share reflections and feelings that came out of what happened during the mission. 
 
 (3) Skill sharing:  Whereas skills that are vital to performing search and rescue are systematically trained on board within a strict schedule, other skills related to the maintenance of the ship, seamanship, and skills of interest to particular crew members are scheduled upon demand when ship is underway and not engaged in search and rescue. The ones related to the ship contribute to the equalizing effect among the crew composed of professional seafarers, non-professional seafarers, and persons with no/little prior experience on the sea.
 
-(4) Morning cleaning and maintenance jobs: Crew vacuums, mops, and scrubs the common spaces, to maintain the working routine as much as to maintain tidiness. Based on their function on the ship, crew members belong to one of the three “departments” (deck, engine room, bridge) and are given maintenance jobs by the person responsible for the department when appropriate and necessary. Maintaining the ship in the good shape is seen as a prerequisite for being able to sail and undertake effective missions.
+(4) Morning cleaning and maintenance jobs: Crew vacuums, mops, and scrubs the common spaces, to maintain the working routine as much as to maintain tidiness. Based on their function on the ship, crew members belong to one of the three “departments” (deck, engine room, bridge) and are given maintenance jobs by the person responsible for the department when appropriate and necessary. Maintaining the ship in the good shape is seen as a prerequisite for being able to sail and undertake effective missions. 
 
 (5) Guest care: After a rescue, crew participates in cooking, handing out food, watches, crowd mood observing, and other tasks distributed and coordinated by the so-called Guest Coordinator. Every crew member enters into relationships with guests according to own capacities and guidelines set by the Guest Coordinator (for example: do not give a blanket to a person if you cannot give it to everyone, unless there is a specific valid case for it). There is a crew member (Cultural Mediator) who does the work of preparing referrals with and for the guests, so that they have access to adequate and professional care once on the land.
 
-### Step 3: Modes of communicating, knowing, aligning, strategizing, choosing action, (re)acting, coordinating, overseeing, intervening, questioning, collaborating (2 hours)
+**Step 3: Modes of communicating, knowing, aligning, strategizing, choosing action, (re)acting, coordinating, overseeing, intervening, questioning, collaborating (2 hours)**
 
 Explain (1) the weekly teleconference call, (2) the morning meeting on Sea Watch 3, (3) the Mission Support group. Guide a discussion for each, asking participants to connect these mechanisms to their experiences.
 
-(1) The weekly teleconference call, so-called Monday telco: The decision-making body of the organization, where all its formal members have a voice and voting rights. Decisions made are ones that belong to the ‘greater picture” level, whereas operational questions get delegated to departments. Teleconference is facilitated/moderated by the Organization Coordinator, who has no voting rights.
+(1) The weekly teleconference call, so-called Monday telco: The decision-making body of the organization, where all its formal members have a voice and voting rights. Decisions made are ones that belong to the ‘greater picture” level, whereas operational questions get delegated to departments. Teleconference is facilitated/moderated by the Organization Coordinator, who has no voting rights. 
 
 (2) The Mission Support group: Is one of such departments to which specific decision-making is delegated. What happens during a mission affects not only the ship and Logistics but also departments such as Media and Advocacy. The MSG includes representatives from relevant departments and decides autonomously on mission relevant issues. Like the Monday telco, it has a coordinator.
 
@@ -43,6 +45,6 @@ Explain (1) the weekly teleconference call, (2) the morning meeting on Sea Watch
 (4) Discourse: Online platform where everyone who has participated in SW missions, shipyard times, or is otherwise volunteering or working for SW, and the organization members, have a voice. There is no decision-making power.
 
 
-### Step 4: Compost (2 hours)
+**Step 4: Compost (2 hours)**
 
 Ask participants to design mechanisms of sharing information and acting upon it that integrate care, for an organization of a given and changing size. Guide them working in small groups. Discuss the results.

content/session/historiespublichealth.md

@@ -20,8 +20,8 @@ In this context, this session puts together some stories of how the national hea
 # Italy: Servizio Sanitario Nazionale (SSN)
 
 - SOURCES: [Rediscovering the roots of public health services. Lessons from Italy](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/can-europe-make-it/rediscovering-roots-public-health-services-lessons-italy/), by Chiara Giorgi, *Open Democracy*, 24 March 2020. 
+VIDEO (ITA): [Chiara Giorgi - Storia e politica della riforma sanitaria dal dopoguerra al 1978](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qDaa-UpgI50), *Teoria Critica della Società - Università Bicocca*, 21 March 2020. 
 
-- Document: (ITA):  [L'ambiente di Lavoro](http://www.sistemaambiente.net/Materiali/IT/Dispensa_FLM/Dispensa_1971_originale.pdf), 1971. Editor: Ivar Oddone, with the collaboration of Gastone Mari, Emilia Oddone, Bruno Fernex, Roberto Tonini, Vittorio Buscaglione, Giovanni Longo, Armando Caruso, Aldo Surdo, Natale Cerruti, and other comrades from the 5th League of FIOM - Turin.
 
 Italy is a major case of policy success in health. According to the 2017 OECD data, life expectancy at birth in Italy is 83.1 years, compared to the 80.9 years of the European Union average: but the total health expenditure per inhabitant is 2,483 euros, against 2,884 of the average EU (a 15% gap). It is a paradox worth probing that the European country with the longest life expectancy has achieved this result with reduced spending. ).
 
@@ -34,7 +34,7 @@ Abandoning the tradition of a corporatist health system with its limited coverag
 In several areas – mental health, occupational health, women’s health, drug treatments - new knowledge on illness prevention, new practices of service delivery and innovative institutional arrangements emerged, with a strong emphasis on territorial services addressing together health and social needs.
 
 ![](https://i.imgur.com/AzclVJN.png)
-Image from: L'Ambiente di Lavoro, by Ivar Oddone et al. 
+
 
 The intellectual guidance for Italy’s health reform came from personalities that combined strong competence and political commitment. Besides Franco Basaglia and his work on radical psychiatry, Giulio Maccacaro was the founder of ‘Medicina Democratica’, a radical health movement; Giovanni Berlinguer was a scientist and member of parliament for the Communist Party; Alessandro Seppilli was a public health specialist and Socialist mayor of the city of Perugia; Laura Conti was a key figure of the Socialist Party and pioneered the Italian environmental movement; Ivar Oddone was an occupational physician and a former partisan – he inspired a character in Italo Calvino’s first book.
 
@@ -50,8 +50,7 @@ One of the first actions by the Italian government on March 17, 2020, when the p
 # The birth of Britain's National Health Service (NHS)
 
 - SOURCES: [The Birth of the NHS](https://www.independent.co.uk/life-style/health-and-families/features/the-birth-of-the-nhs-856091.html), Andy McSmith, *The Independent*, 28 June 2008.
-
-- VIDEO (EN): [The NHS: A Difficult Beginning](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-ywP8wjfOx4), BBC documentary (2008). Narrator: Imelda Staunton, Director: Ian MacMillan.
+VIDEO (EN): [The NHS: A Difficult Beginning](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-ywP8wjfOx4), BBC documentary (2008). Narrator: Imelda Staunton, Director: Ian MacMillan.
 
 Serving over one and a half million patients and their families every day, the NHS (National Health Service) is the biggest service of its kind in the world. It is universally regarded as a national treasure - the most remarkable achievement of post war Britain.
 

content/session/hologrampractice.md

@@ -6,7 +6,7 @@ title: "The Practice"
 
 You are now ready to practice The Hologram. The following will offer you the basics.  The Hologram remains a work in progress and is designed to be highly adaptable, so you are encouraged to change it and make it your own. A triangle consists of three people who accept an invitation from a hologram to make a formal commitment to supporting her health by participating in seasonal meetings. In these meetings, each member of the triangle focuses on one of the three aspects of her health: physical, psychic, social. The job of each member of the triangle is to ask really good questions, help identify the hologram’s patterns, and to support her with co-research and in-depth knowledge of her health when she needs to make big decisions.
 
-The hologram’s job is to facilitate a conversation with three people who have accepted her invitation to join the triangle. Unlike a patient being treated by a doctor, a hologram’s role is like that of a teacher, helping the Triangle to understand how she achieves her healthiest possible state and also recognize their own patterns, needs and wishes in contrast and conversation. The hologram shares their personal stories, their powers of communication, and their well-articulated vulnerability to teach the triangle how to care for and with her. She shows great respect and gratitude for the members of the triangle, and is also observant of their needs and desires, helping them to become better at offering useful questions.
+The hologram’s job is to facilitate a conversation with three people who have accepted her invitation to join the triangle. Unlike a patient being treated by a doctor, a hologram’s role is like that of a teacher, helping the Triangle to understand how she achieves her healthiest possible state and also recognize their own patterns, needs and wishes in contrast and conversation. The hologram shares their personal stories, their powers of communication, and their well-articulated vulnerability to teach the triangle how to care for and with her. She shows great respect and gratitude for the members of the triangle, and is also observant of their needs and desires, helping them to become better at offering useful questions. 
 
 This guide is written for holograms seeking to assemble triangles, but can also be used for triangle members seeking to find holograms.
 
@@ -29,12 +29,16 @@ Reciprocation is somewhat automatic in this project, but is not a one-for-one ex
 
 ## Important Things for The Triangle to Remember
 1. While it is possible that someone might have a medical or social work background, no one in a triangle is an expert, and no one should pretend to be. Being in a triangle is not about offering professional medical advice, it is about learning to ask supportive and transformative questions.
-2. While The Hologram is about asking questions, the triangle members one should not disappear their own stories, their needs, or their wisdom. Triangle members are welcome to share anecdotes and stories from their lives that might help the hologram see their situation and clearly state their personal needs.
+2. While The Hologram is about asking questions, the triangle members one should not
+disappear their own stories, their needs, or their wisdom. Triangle members are welcome to share anecdotes and stories from their lives that might help the hologram see their situation and clearly state their personal needs.
 3. The triangle, with the hologram, will make group decisions, and will structure the way the group meets.
-4. When called upon in an emergency or a pressing situation, the triangle can choose to show up to support The Hologram as individuals or as a trio. The triangle becomes most active when the hologram needs to make a big decision. This is when all the accrued knowledge of the triangle, about the hologram, and notes, become valuable. In an emergency, the triangle may support the hologram by providing in-person support, accompaniment to or coaching for important appointments, and cooperative research. The goal of the triangle is to back the hologram to make good decisions with support.
+4. When called upon in an emergency or a pressing situation, the triangle can choose to
+show up to support The Hologram as individuals or as a trio. The triangle becomes most
+active when the hologram needs to make a big decision. This is when all the accrued knowledge of the triangle, about the hologram, and notes, become valuable. In an emergency, the triangle may support the hologram by providing in-person support, accompaniment to or coaching for important appointments, and cooperative research. The goal of the triangle is to back the hologram to make good decisions with support.
 
 ## What Role Does Each Person Play?
-A Hologram begins when the hologram and triangle agree to meet for a certain period of time at a certain frequency: once a week for a month; once a month for three months; around the solstices and equinoxes for two years; on the hologram’s birthday for the rest of her life. It might make sense to begin with a shorter period of more frequent meetings then change later, or, if the group does not gel, to reform the triangle with new members. But  The Hologram works best when practiced consistently over a long period of time to facilitate pattern recognition and transformation. Within the given period, the three members of the triangle will select one area of focus in the meetings with the hologram. One person will focus on asking questions and taking notes on one of the three zones of health: the physical (body), the psychic (mental, emotional, intellectual), and the social (relationships, work, money, housing). Of course, these health zones of each person are completely entangled and overlapping, and the conversation will be, too. The important thing is that there is a member of the triangle to hold the awareness of each of the various zones of health, who can watch for patterns and feel when something is going well or not. We have not yet experimented with rotating roles within the Triangle, but that is an option.
+A Hologram begins when the hologram and triangle agree to meet for a certain period of
+time at a certain frequency: once a week for a month; once a month for three months; around the solstices and equinoxes for two years; on the hologram’s birthday for the rest of her life. It might make sense to begin with a shorter period of more frequent meetings then change later, or, if the group does not gel, to reform the triangle with new members. But  The Hologram works best when practiced consistently over a long period of time to facilitate pattern recognition and transformation. Within the given period, the three members of the triangle will select one area of focus in the meetings with the hologram. One person will focus on asking questions and taking notes on one of the three zones of health: the physical (body), the psychic (mental, emotional, intellectual), and the social (relationships, work, money, housing). Of course, these health zones of each person are completely entangled and overlapping, and the conversation will be, too. The important thing is that there is a member of the triangle to hold the awareness of each of the various zones of health, who can watch for patterns and feel when something is going well or not. We have not yet experimented with rotating roles within the Triangle, but that is an option.
 
 ## What if I Want to Quit? What if I Want Someone Else to Quit?
 The group should decide what to do in the event that one of the members of the triangle wants to quit. Because the project is about constructing new experiences of trust and cooperation, it is ideal if the group can adapt to support each member to stay in a healthy way. When that cannot happen, there needs to be an exit plan in place, wherein the triangle member that exits is replaced, and that the new member is welcomed into the group with care and patience. This exit strategy should be discussed at the first meeting of the Hologram.

content/session/housingandmaintenancestruggles.md

@@ -3,9 +3,9 @@ title: "Housing and Maintenance Struggles"
 ---
 # Poor design or disinvestment?
 
-Architectural critic Charles Jencks famously wrote that “modern architecture died in St Louis, Missouri on July 15, 1972, at 3.32 pm” when the public housing estate Pruitt Igoe was demolished. In public narratives the design was the one to be blamed for the failure of public housing. In reality, it was disinvestment that created poor maintenance, together with subsidies for individual housing loans. One of the most notorious cases of disinvestment in maintenance has been the case of the Grenfell tower in London. Due to cheap flammable cladding that was used in the refurbishment process, many working-class people lost their lives in the fire. 
+Architectural critic Charles Jencks famously wrote that “modern architecture died in St Louis, Missouri on July 15, 1972, at 3.32 pm” when the public housing estate Pruitt Igoe was demolished. In public narratives the design was the one to be blamed for the failure of public housing. In reality, it was disinvestment that created poor maintenance, together with subsidies for individual housing loans. One of the most notorious cases of disinvestment in maintenance has been the case of the Grenfell tower in London. Due to cheap flammable cladding that was used in the refurbishment process, many working-class people lost their lives in the fire.
 
-Nevertheless, maintenance is not only the issue of public housing. In the private rental sector, for instance, investment in maintenance can be regarded as a sign of a new increase in rental prices. Struggles that have addressed the issue of maintenance range from rent strikes to protest and movements against gentrification. Though maintenance hasn’t been spoken about a lot in the past, it is important to recognize that it is as an important factor in housing struggles worldwide. 
+Nevertheless, maintenance is not only the issue of public housing. In the private rental sector, for instance, investment in maintenance can be regarded as a sign of a new increase in rental prices. Struggles that have addressed the issue of maintenance range from rent strikes to protest and movements against gentrification. Though maintenance hasn’t been spoken about a lot in the past, it is important to recognize that it is as an important factor in housing struggles worldwide.
 
 ## Proposed resources
 
@@ -15,5 +15,63 @@ Nevertheless, maintenance is not only the issue of public housing. In the privat
 
 ## How to learn together
 
-Read the proposed articles and look into the proposed resources before you come to the session. Organize a collective self-interview. Create a list of questions related to housing maintenance. The questions could tackle issues such as the changing situation at your housing estate, your opinions about the issues that you have read about in the proposed resources, your proposals and solutions etc. Make a round for each question. Make detailed notes. Share your self-interview with other Pirate Care Syllabus users.  
+Read the proposed articles and look into the proposed resources before you come to the session. Organize a collective self-interview. Create a list of questions related to housing maintenance. The questions could tackle issues such as the changing situation at your housing estate, your opinions about the issues that you have read about in the proposed resources, your proposals and solutions etc. Make a round for each question. Make detailed notes. Share your self-interview with other Pirate Care Syllabus users.
 
+{{< raw >}}
+<div class="pagebreak" style="font-family: vg5000-regular,sans; font-size: 1rem; padding-top: 2rem; padding-bottom: 2rem; color: #996561">▒  ☠ ▒ ▒▒▒ ▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒ 🐟▒ ☄ ▒▒▒▒ ▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒</div>
+{{< /raw >}}
+
+# Charlie Clemoes: ‘How poor maintenance of London's social housing created the conditions for its demolition’
+**In CityMetric, https://www.citymetric.com/skylines/how-poor-maintenance-londons-social-housing-created-conditions-its-demolition-1644, accessed September 30, 2020.
+
+{{< figure src="/images/cressingham_gardens_2.jpg" width="100%" title="Figure 1. Residents at south London's Cressingham Gardens estate protest its proposed demolition. Image: Charlie Clemoes." >}}
+
+In housing, maintenance is more important than design: if this were more often acknowledged, then the lifespan of many social houses could be drastically extended.
+
+But instead, their inadequacy and rapid dilapidation is typically blamed on poor design – either due to modernist architecture’s excessive social engineering, or due to the overreach of post-war local and national governments, racing to build more houses at an ever decreasing cost. To this way of thinking, post-war social housing was an unmitigated mistake and given the chance it should be replaced with something better.
+
+The importance of maintenance could not be clearer in the case of a pair of estates in South London, both built in the 1970s under the oversight of Lambeth council’s chief architect, the late [Ted Hollamby](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward_Hollamby) were both highly praised upon their completion, particularly for the Scandinavian-influenced humanist architecture prevalent in the design. In the past few years, both have been under threat of demolition.
+
+On its website, Lambeth council makes the reasonable claim that the estates need to be regenerated because the houses are in such a state of disrepair. But this raises the question of how these housing developments fall so rapidly into this state in the first place.
+
+{{< figure src="/images/central_hill_1.jpg" width="100%" title="Figure 2. A view of the Central Hill estate. Image: Charlie Clemoes." >}}
+
+It could be that those originally praising the estates were wrong and they were not built to last. But it could also be due to poor maintenance, which created the conditions for the demolition threat.
+
+More than enough has been said to support the former argument: the narrative of the utopian modernist block turned sink estate is seared into popular imagination to the point where evidence is no longer required to prove it. But to support the opposing argument, there is also plenty of evidence that the estates were indeed well designed. There is evidence, too, that they have not been properly maintained.
+
+To build both estates, Hollamby drew upon a wide array of building expertise. Notwithstanding the array of architectural talent working on both projects, he also assembled a highly skilled construction team. The structural engineer, Ted Happold, later went on to work on the Sydney Opera House and set up a firm which worked on the Pompidou Centre. Meanwhile, Cressingham Gardens’ beautiful curved brickwork required the services of a master bricklayer, who was also employed in the construction of the staircase in Hampton Court Palace.
+
+But it doesn’t take an architectural historian to notice the high design standards Hollamby kept to: you only need to walk around the estates.
+
+With the benefit of a bright, early-autumn weekend, it was difficult to avoid marvelling at such a thoughtful design. Both estates demonstrate a style of building that hardly features in London any more. The overall feel is more countryside than city: there is space, conspicuous quiet, and numerous passageways are completely denied to the car, so that residents are able to traverse each estate free of the impatient demands of the motorist.
+
+There is also an intimate engagement with local topography. In Central Hill, the hillside is used to shield the estate from the noise of the road above, and both estates are barely perceptible from a distance, being so well ensconced in the landscape.
+
+In Cressingham Gardens, front doors face each other, kitchens face the passageways and the flats are in close proximity, all the better for neighbours to talk to one another and feel more connected to the wider estate.
+
+Despite the high density, flats are also very spacious and both estates still manage to host bountiful green space. Most of these trees are older than the estates themselves – the homes were built around them. And the estates also leverage the surrounding parks to great effect: Central Hill falls within a green corridor stretching from Dulwich Common to Norwood Park via Crystal Palace, Cressingham Gardens opens out onto Brockwell Park.
+
+This concern for greenery has proved to be one of the major areas of antagonism in Central Hill. Originally ivy grew out of raised beds planted along every passageway covering many of the estate’s walls, offering a cheap way of greening otherwise plain light-grey buildings. Several years ago the council approached the residents asking to cut this ivy back, on the assumption that it risked damaging the building’s structural integrity. Not wishing to create unnecessary conflict, the residents obliged, unaware that the ivy would be entirely removed. Any ivy that remains has had to be fought for.
+
+{{< figure src="/images/central_hill_2.jpg" width="100%" title="Figure 3. Central Hill again. Image: Charlie Clemoes." >}}
+
+It is hard not to see this as a wilful erosion of Central Hill’s aesthetic value. And this feels all the more apparent in the case of waste disposal on the estate, which had gotten so bad when I visited that there was a massive pile of rubbish right at the estate’s entrance. It's not the kind of thing that you associate with an inner London borough.
+
+But this is only the most evident problem among a catalogue of minor maintenance problems with both of the estates. Paving stones are in need of replacement and visibly unsafe, especially for older residents. None of the outside detailing looks like it has been replaced since the estates were finished. The zinc roofs of Cressingham Gardens are leaking in various places and the guttering needs to be replaced. An independent report has also noted the effect of poor tree maintenance on many non-structural and drainage problems. Together these oversights amount to a basic neglect.
+
+So why have the estates not been properly maintained? There is an argument that their innovative design makes maintenance more difficult, requiring specialist skills and unusual materials. But this doesn’t take into account the litany of common, solvable issues mentioned above.
+
+In fact, the reasons are much more complicated and long-term, and they reveal how political the issue of maintenance can be.
+
+{{< figure src="/images/cressingham_gardens_1.jpg" width="100%" title="Figure 4. Protesters at Cressingham Gardens. Image: Charlie Clemoes." >}}
+
+Estate under-maintenance is intimately linked to wider disinvestment of inner city areas throughout the 1970s and ’80s and the creeping return of development from the 1990s onwards. Throughout this time, those who remained in inner city social housing were first forgotten and then, as investment increased, deemed to be an obstacle. In the first case councils had no money to maintain their social housing stock; in the second, they had no desire to.  Adding further fuel to the decline of London’s social housing was the relative economic hardship of its occupants, who have often had neither the means nor the time to take maintenance into their own hands.
+
+But hope remains when residents can collectively organise to redress the balance. While the fight to save these two estates is ongoing, recent news has emerged that Cressingham Gardens may be saved from demolition due to a High Court ruling that the council acted unlawfully in the consultation process. At the centre of this was the removal of three options available to residents which offered the possibility of refurbishment, leaving only the options of full or part demolition remaining.
+
+This ruling could not have been achieved without an organised residents’ campaign, pursuing a collective legal case against demolition and accompanying this with a vocal public awareness campaign. At the centre of the argument was an appeal to the financial sense of refurbishment and maintenance – helped along by several revealing FOI requests on the risible sums spent on maintenance over the years.
+
+All this offers hope that the equally energetic campaign to save Central Hill may be able to reverse Lambeth Council’s seemingly single-minded desire for demolition. Perhaps there’s hope, too, that similar campaigns can also arrest social housing’s all too rapid transition from construction to demolition by way of under-maintenance.
+
+*Charlie Clemoes has an in urban studies from UCL and is on the editorial staff of [Failed Architecture](http://www.failedarchitecture.com/author/charlie-clemoes/). He tweets as @clemvp.*

content/session/howtobuildapiratekindergarteninyourneighbourhood.md

@@ -3,35 +3,11 @@ title: "How to Build a Pirate Kindergarten in Your Neighbourhood"
 ---
 
 # Planning a pirate kindergarten
-![](static/topic/commoningcare/howtobuildapiratekindergarten/a_soprasotto_kinndergarten.jpg)
 
 This workshop is designed for a group of families who are planning to build a pirate kindergarten in order to common childcare.
-The workshop can be conceived as a stand-alone session, or it could be preceded by the workshop ![](session:transgenerationalassembly.md).
-
-## Timing
-
-3 hours
-
-## Keywords
-
-Commoning care, childcare, space, self-organization
-
-## Tools
-
-- ![“How To Build A Pirate Kindergarten In Your Neighbourhood” book](bib:71410f74-a3b6-4910-96cc-daf813e61eb4)(English version will be available in April 2020!);
-- Print-outs of [QUIZZ 1](/topic/commoningcare/howtobuildapiratekindergarten/tools/6.QUITZ-01.jpg), [QUIZZ 2](/topic/commoningcare/howtobuildapiratekindergarten/tools/6.QUITZ-02.jpg), [QUIZZ 3](/topic/commoningcare/howtobuildapiratekindergarten/tools/6.QUITZ-03.jpg), [QUIZZ 4](/topic/commoningcare/howtobuildapiratekindergarten/tools/6.QUITZ-04.jpg), [QUIZZ 5](/topic/commoningcare/howtobuildapiratekindergarten/tools/6.QUITZ-05.jpg) and [QUIZZ 6](/topic/commoningcare/howtobuildapiratekindergarten/tools/6.QUITZ-06.jpg)
-- Print-outs of [MAP 6-1](/topic/commoningcare/howtobuildapiratekindergarten/tools/6.MAP-01.jpg) and [MAP 6-2](/topic/commoningcare/howtobuildapiratekindergarten/tools/6.MAP-02.jpg); paper and pen.
-
-![](static/topic/commoningcare/howtobuildapiratekindergarten/tools/6.QUITZ-01.jpg)
-![](static/topic/commoningcare/howtobuildapiratekindergarten/tools/6.QUITZ-02.jpg)
-![](static/topic/commoningcare/howtobuildapiratekindergarten/tools/6.QUITZ-03.jpg)
-![](static/topic/commoningcare/howtobuildapiratekindergarten/tools/6.QUITZ-04.jpg)
-![](static/topic/commoningcare/howtobuildapiratekindergarten/tools/6.QUITZ-05.jpg)
-![](static/topic/commoningcare/howtobuildapiratekindergarten/tools/6.QUITZ-06.jpg)
+The workshop can be conceived as a stand-alone session, or it could be preceded by the workshop ![](session:transgenerationalassembly.md).  
 
 ![](static/topic/commoningcare/howtobuildapiratekindergarten/tools/6.MAP-01.jpg)
-![](static/topic/commoningcare/howtobuildapiratekindergarten/tools/6.MAP-02.jpg)
-
 
 # Let's learn together
 
@@ -67,22 +43,3 @@ But before you split, remember:
 - To schedule the next appointment;
 - That the booklet “How To Build A Pirate Kindergarten In Your Neighbourhood” suggested here is not a model. Each community and context will find the best ways to answer its own needs and desires. In fact, one-approach-fits-all-solutions do not exist.
 - Just have fun, listen to people and take care of the planet!
-
-# Bibliography
-
-- ![](bib:34a9c060-4e91-40dc-9b80-07e0e8eda012)
-- ![](bib:7fd5acf6-c53d-42b8-9a60-31d94cd1b11b)
-- ![](bib:172004e4-a275-438d-8f10-3248ebfd9a9d)
-- Borgonuovo, Valerio, and Silvia Franceschini. Global tools (1973-1975). Quando l’educazione coinciderà con la vita. Ediz. illustrata. Produzioni Nero, 2018.
-- ![](bib:71410f74-a3b6-4910-96cc-daf813e61eb4)
-- ![](bib:989c7474-b04a-4a7b-8c1a-81cbd72afc9a)
-- ![](bib:e818cd4d-8a14-48e3-b47e-19591312c57d)
-- ![](bib:cd3b2994-fabc-4642-a1dd-4e18ba184b85)
-- Ferguson, Susan. 2017. 'Children, Childhood and Capitalism: A Social Reproduction Perspective' in ![Social Reproduction Theory: Remapping Class, Recentering Oppression, ed. Tithi Bhattacharya.](bib:11860f86-fd66-4cae-a8ec-3ea35e83e6c4)
-- ![](bib:55afa118-a177-40bc-9d93-4968e9b00300)
-- ![](bib:2e5a16b3-015c-466f-8cf8-325b01c45d9e)
-- ![](bib:8890b894-9bac-4095-af69-da24929cb2f0)
-- ![](bib:bed8d081-77cd-490e-b465-931662e012b1)
-- ![](bib:aff69339-2d5c-4a4b-bb90-725b8bc07f85)
-- ![](bib:8de36aa2-e3cb-4a6b-8cb0-f873f0c2afc5)
-- ![](bib:614588b1-82b6-45d8-8690-b0808df79115)

content/session/inventoryoftools.md

@@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ When resisting forces of domination (from the state, capitalism, patriarchy, col
 ## Recommended Reading
 
 - ![](bib:c7345a4f-22a2-4905-8579-07531deb33c0)
-  - This brief pamphlette was developed by PMS in order to be circulated to individuals involved in a land struggle in France. It compiles from a variety of other sources we'd accumulated with some of our own additions and alterations to them, focusing on offering straightforward suggestions for helping one another deal with collective trauma.
+  - This brief pamphlette was developed by PMS in order to be circulated to individuals involved in a land struggle in France. It compiles from a variety of other sources we'd accumulated with some of our own additions and alterations to them, focusing on offering straightforward suggestions for helping one another deal with collective trauma. 
 
 - ![](bib:ca64cedc-709c-4f45-b3d6-f6fe97703f4b) (Rising Up Without Burning Out, pages 39-56)
   - This pamphlette is a great overview that was set up following from the Occupy Movement. In particular, the section on Emotional Support makes some concrete suggestions for how to build a holistic model for emotional support within the context of a large movement.
@@ -18,26 +18,26 @@ When resisting forces of domination (from the state, capitalism, patriarchy, col
   - "In contemporary capitalism, the dominant reactive affect is anxiety"
 
 - ![](bib:ee3b5e69-289b-4e3d-afd8-79f2bdd032a7)
-  - Part of a series of Blog posts by Nicole Rose (UK-based abolitionist, permaculturist, herbalist, educator and ex-prisoner). The blog is available via her website the Solidarity Apothecary, and also archived on http://www.emptycagesdesign.org and the blog is now a book which can be purchased in E-book form https://solidarityapothecary.org/overcomingburnout/
+  - part of a series of Blog posts by Nicole Rose (UK-based abolitionist, permaculturist, herbalist, educator and ex-prisoner). The blog is available via her website the Solidarity Apothecary, and also archived on http://www.emptycagesdesign.org and the blog is now a book which can be purchased in E-book form https://solidarityapothecary.org/overcomingburnout/
 
-- Reclaiming “victim” and embracing unhealthy coping — a presentation by Emi Koyama (emi@eminism.org) for harm reduction conference november 16, 2012
+- reclaiming “victim” and embracing unhealthy coping - a presentation by emi koyama (emi@eminism.org) for harm reduction conference november 16, 2012
   - ![](bib:b92a7e3c-95d6-4d37-aa9b-f01684a7cd3f)
-  - this powerpoint tackles the "overwhelming positivity and compulsory optimism/hopefulness of the trauma recovery industry" — including what gets marked as unhealthy coping strategies, and self harm.
-
+  - this powerpoint tackles the "overwhelming positivity and compulsory optimism/hopefulness of the trauma recovery industry" - including what gets marked as unhealthy coping strategies, and self harm.
+ 
 ## Further Reading
 
 - ![](bib:ef4451de-9f4b-4a73-8f0b-7d5174db30f5)
   - Another handout developed by the UK group Activist Trauma which details some of the simple best practices for dealing with trauma in our communities. Much of this material here is borrowed in "Basics of Emotional Support" by PMS and the handout from Out of Action.
 
 - ![](bib:49bbd6b5-375c-4b17-af3e-bb1318657242)
-  - Counter-insurgency and psychological warfare.
+  - counter-insurgency and psychological warfare
 
-- [Out of Action: Emotional First Aid](https://outofaction.blackblogs.org/?p=720#worum)
-  - A reader from Out of Action in Germany about confronting violence in radical movements, as well as inside and outside of actions. This group also holds support groups and offers support within social movements. Here is a resource they have put together to share some best practices. Also similar to the handout from PMS and Activist Trauma Support.
+- https://outofaction.blackblogs.org/?p=720#worum
+  - A reader from Out of Action in Germany about confronting violence in radical movements, as well as inside and outside of actions. This group also holds support groups and offers support within social movements. Here is a resource they have put together to share some best practices. Also similar to the handout from PMS and Activist Trauma Support. 
 
 - ![](bib:8526dbc7-5033-4513-8580-d2604543008e)
   - CPTSD is really common in radical communities, for a variety of reasons. What is it and what can we do about it? How is it approached from the Western medical model, and how can it be approached through herbalism?
-
+  
 ## Discussion
 
 - In what ways does state repression manifest as psychological warfare? What are some concrete and documented examples of this that you are aware of? What are the intended impacts of this and how might we work to combat it?
@@ -54,7 +54,7 @@ Accountability is an ever-elusive principle that we constantly aspire to develop
 	  - A collection of articles about various anarchist responses to abuse and interpersonal violence, including transformative justice in practice, an analysis of accountability processes, and reports from those who've chosen instead to directly confront rapists.
   - ![](bib:35754eb3-cf94-4cae-803b-b9d97a3d4ca5)
 	  - This zine looks at the ways rape culture persists in anarchist scenes and how accountability processes often fail to confront abuse in any meaningful way.
-  - ![](bib:38b92eac-6d07-478b-b384-9e4bcff764f7) particularly the intro and "Safety is an Illusion"
+  - "![](bib:38b92eac-6d07-478b-b384-9e4bcff764f7) particularly the intro and "Safety is an Illusion"
 	  - A collection of writings on disillusionment with the concept of accountability as it's expressed, expected, and practiced in radical scenes. This can be a difficult piece and I include it here not because I agree with all its contents or approaches, but because it's important to get at the visceral disappointment and rage that many feel over the failure of "accountability" as it's typically been implemented.
       - > The typical proposal for responding to rape, the community accountability process, is based on a transparent lie. There are no activist communities, only the desire for communities, or the convenient fiction of communities. A community is a material web that binds people together, for better and for worse, in interdependence. If its members move away every couple years because the next place seems cooler, it is not a community. If it is easier to kick someone out than to go through a difficult series of conversations with them, it is not a community. Among the societies that had real communities, exile was the most extreme sanction possible, tantamount to killing them. On many levels, losing the community and all the relationships it involved was the same as dying. Let’s not kid ourselves: we don’t have communities.
 
@@ -62,10 +62,10 @@ Accountability is an ever-elusive principle that we constantly aspire to develop
 
 - **Accountability as harm reduction***: removed from a model that implicitly positions accountability as punishment, we can start to see it as the building material of interpersonal relationships, of care and affinity towards those we exist in community with (however we define that). The task of addressing harm is never easy, but perhaps when we're approaching it from a foundation of practicing accountability as care for one another, it can be less devastating.
   - "The Secret Joy of Accountability: Self-accountability as a Building Block for Change" by Shannon Perez-Darby, from *The Revolution Starts At Home*
-  > "So often, people jump to an external definition of accountability that is about other people assuming responsibility for their actions rather than imagining accountability as an internal process where each of us examines our own behaviors and choices so that we can better reconcile those choices with our own values. I define (self) accountability as a process of taking responsibility for your choices and the consequences of those choices.
-  - What is harm reduction? In the context of substance use, here's the Harm Reduction Coalition's definition: !["Principles of Harm Reduction"](bib:2e5fef42-e26d-41b5-b901-826a215708ca)
+    - *"So often, people jump to an external definition of accountability that is about other people assuming responsibility for their actions rather than imagining accountability as an internal process where each of us examines our own behaviors and choices so that we can better reconcile those choices with our own values. I define (self) accountability as a process of taking responsibility for your choices and the consequences of those choices."*
+  - what is harm reduction? in the context of substance use, here's the Harm Reduction Coalition's definition: ![](bib:2e5fef42-e26d-41b5-b901-826a215708ca)
   - ![](bib:249f6428-d7a5-4357-a0fd-b5b3e266e134)
-
+    
 ## Discussion
 
 - Choose a principle of harm reduction, either from the list linked above or your own experience. How can it be applied to mental health and emotional support? What might that look like in practice?

content/session/mappingtheinvisible.md

@@ -7,10 +7,10 @@ title: "Mapping the Invisible"
 
 This workshop aims to collectively visualize the invisible labour taking place within institutions, communities, families, spaces and groups; to analyze the material condition of invisibility of those activities; and, finally, to rethink what are the value and values that those activities bring to the whole context.
 
-The workshop can be conceived as a stand-alone session, however, the suggested follow-up would be the ![](session:radicalredistribution.md) workshop.
+The workshop can be conceived as a stand-alone session, however, the suggested follow-up would be the ![](session:radicalredistribution.md) workshop. 
 
 
-## Keywords
+## Keywords 
 
 Care, Work, Value/s, Power Relations
 
@@ -45,14 +45,14 @@ Collectively read Silvia Federici's “Wages Against Housework” pamphlet, chan
 
 ## Step 5: Rethinking the value of values (30 min.)
 
-After the collective reading, go back to the maps (link) at the centre of the room and instruct the participants that they have the option to move one post-it across one of the maps. Invite them to explain the reasons for their choice. For instance, would they want a task to be more or less visible, more or less waged? Why? Repeat this process until the group has no further changes to make. Take a second photo of all the transformed maps.
+After the collective reading, go back to the maps (link) at the centre of the room and instruct the participants that they have the option to move one post-it across one of the maps. Invite them to explain the reasons for their choice. For instance, would they want a task to be more or less visible, more or less waged? Why? Repeat this process until the group has no further changes to make. Take a second photo of all the transformed maps. 
 
 ## Step 6: Conclusions (20 min.)
 
 Ask participants how they feel about the workshop and invite them to discuss their own institutions, communities, families, spaces and groups based on their first analysis. Send them the two photos of the maps.
 
 
-[^workplace]: Workplace here broadly denotes a place where a person is involved in some type of work: office, cultural centre, social centre, home, and so on.
+[^workplace]: workplace here broadly denotes a place where a person is involved in some type of work: office, cultural centre, social centre, home, and so on.
 
 # Bibliography
 
@@ -65,4 +65,4 @@ Ask participants how they feel about the workshop and invite them to discuss the
 - ![](bib:17a54657-0cf1-43fe-be81-07351d278174)
 - ![](bib:ff9e0d6c-2787-47fa-8b25-9feddfadc340)
 - ![](bib:315757c0-9502-48dc-8c61-e3e1d20a0ec6)
-- ![](bib:ea978d68-233e-4f14-8dde-6d5af7c7d21d)
+-  Bezanson, Kate, and Meg Luxton. Social Reproduction: Feminist Political Economy Challenges Neo-Liberalism. McGill-Queen’s Press, 2006.

content/session/mutualaidgroup.md

@@ -15,13 +15,13 @@ title: "A mutual aid group?"
 
 # Listen
 
-- [Important Updates and Talk at Please Try This at Home](https://web.archive.org/web/20201201022747/https://emotionalanarchism.com/important-updates-and-talk-at-please-try-this-at-home/)
+- [Important Updates and Talk at Please Try This at Home](https://emotionalanarchism.com/important-updates-and-talk-at-please-try-this-at-home/)
 
 # Discussion
 
 - What examples of autonomous emotional support are there in your context?
 - Sometimes state-sanctioned and institutional sources of support can be damaging, incomplete, inacessible, exclusionary, or just non-existent. What barriers and gaps pertain in your contexts, and how are these adressed through autonomous provision?
 - Who is offering the support and how? In formal groups or through informal support? Are some people routinely providing more support than others?
-- Sometimes mutual aid is more readily available for people who can be fit into certain categories, such as 'identities', 'symptoms', or 'diagnoses'.
+- Sometimes mutual aid is more readily available for people who can be fit into certain categories, such as 'identities', 'symptoms', or 'diagnoses'. 
 - For example, people in a certain social setting might be equipped to help each other deal with experiences that can be called 'depression' or 'anxiety', but what about people whose experience includes 'hearing voices', 'unusual beliefs', or other intense emotional or dissociative states?
 - Also, we may feel that we are very good at responding to a crisis, but not the ongoing work of taking care. Or vice versa.

content/session/onsurveillanceandbiodata.md

@@ -28,7 +28,7 @@ To replace: DNA mixture/ distilled water/ DNA perservative (optional) / pipets/
 
 # LTT [Learning Tools Together]
 
-Proposal: to learn how to extract a DNA sample in a simple way, losing the fear related to the specificity of biotechnologies. Development of two tools for bioanonymity: DNA eraser spray / DNA replacer spray.
+Proposal: to learn how to extract a DNA sample in a simple way, losing the fear related to the specificity of biotechnologies. Development of two tools for bioanonymity: DNA eraser spray / DNA replacer spray.    
 
 Learn how to be protected from against new forms of biological surveillance.
 
@@ -50,20 +50,20 @@ First contact with the protocol to generate the sprays as a trigger for doubts,
 
 Follow the steps indicated in the protocol developed by Biononymous and Biofutures.
 
-Source: ![](bib:64aefb5b-a9ee-44e0-a438-d50ac17a4113)
-
-## Step 3: How to erase your DNA (1 hour)
+Source: http://biononymous.me/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/EXTRACT.pdf
+    
+## Step 3: How to erase your DNA (1 hour)     
 
 Follow the steps indicated in the protocol developed by Biononymous and Biofutures.
 
-Source: ![](bib:931f35c0-132d-4ab5-96fa-35717b89019d)
-
-## Step 4: How to replace your DNA (30 min)
+Source: http://biononymous.me/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/ERASE.pdf    
+     
+## Step 4: How to replace your DNA (30 min) 
 
 Follow the steps indicated in the protocol developed by Biononymous and Biofutures.
 
-Source: ![](bib:9f3d6445-a1aa-4292-b1ba-301d88827579)
-
+Source: http://biononymous.me/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/REPLACE.pdf
+    
 ## Step 5: Wrap up (30 min)
 
 Once the activity has been carried out, we can dedicate time for collective debate/reflection (in case the activity was done in a group) on which issues, concerns, interests and/or surprises we found in relation to bio-surveillance. Are there any care tactics that we can articulate/implement? Or, for example, how do we consider the impact of affection (care) when we share information, resources, tools and take care of each other?

content/session/patterns.md

@@ -5,40 +5,35 @@ title: "Part Four: Patterns"
 # Part four: Patterns
 **Is this the end or is this the beginning?**
 
-Whether actually or ideologically, the things we relied on to help us survive turned out not to work in the ways we hoped they would: financial system, medical system, government. Long before COVID-19, a lot was crumbling (and the effects of the crumbling was always worse for people outside of white heteronormativity), but now it is not possible to avoid it for anyone.
+Whether actually or ideologically, the things we relied on to help us survive turned out not to work in the ways we hoped they would: financial system, medical system, government. Long before COVID-19, a lot was crumbling (and the effects of the crumbling was always worse for people outside of white heteronormativity), but now it is not possible to avoid it for anyone. 
 
-According to an abolitionist framework, whenever broken systems crumble we have two types of work to do. One is to support the destruction of what isn't working and perhaps mourn its loss. The other is to create cooperative systems and ways of living that will work in the future and allow us to thrive. Now and in the coming months, economic recession, many people will experience a kind of end of the world: we will lose jobs, houses, aspirations and  a sense of “normal” and many things we thought were necessary.  But maybe we well also realize that so much of what we felt was normal and necessary wasn’t working for us, individually or collectively, but we had been made too busy trying to survive to notice. For some of us, the lockdown is the moment when the band-aid gets ripped off and we have an excuse to start fresh. We can demolish in the morning and rebuild in the afternoon.
+According to an abolitionist framework, whenever broken systems crumble we have two types of work to do. One is to support the destruction of what isn't working and perhaps mourn its loss. The other is to create cooperative systems and ways of living that will work in the future and allow us to thrive. Now and in the coming months, economic recession, many people will experience a kind of end of the world: we will lose jobs, houses, aspirations and  a sense of “normal” and many things we thought were necessary.  But maybe we well also realize that so much of what we felt was normal and necessary wasn’t working for us, individually or collectively, but we had been made too busy trying to survive to notice. For some of us, the lockdown is the moment when the band-aid gets ripped off and we have an excuse to start fresh. We can demolish in the morning and rebuild in the afternoon. 
 
-We are able to reproduce our lives within capitalism and other systems by forming habits of behaviour, of thought, of hope, of fear and of relationship, and these habits also do their part to reproduce those broader systems. These systems keep us so busy and on edge of survival (physical, emotional, social) that we rarely have the consistency of time to examine let alone change our habits, even if they don’t actually serve us well.
-
-From within the lockdown. we have a chance to change some of our habits and patterns, so we don't have to go back to an expensive and violent normal. It's interesting to think about the world we want to live in in a theoretical way, but now we have a chance to experiment with how we live our daily lives and how we value ourselves and each other, and let those practices define the future.
-
-Of course, contrary to the new age, self-help industry’s suggestion, simply believing something doesn’t change reality, and that kind of individualism will only reproduce capitalism. Organizing and organization will be required, and we have the fight of our lives ahead of us. But a revolution like the one we need will not come about or stick unless we, as its participants, transform ourselves together. Changing our patterns and habits alone won’t liberate us, but it will help us prepare for liberation, and for the world we will have to build.
+We are able to reproduce our lives within capitalism and other systems by forming habits of behaviour, of thought, of hope, of fear and of relationship, and these habits also do their part to reproduce those broader systems. These systems keep us so busy and on edge of survival (physical, emotional, social) that we rarely have the consistency of time to examine let alone change our habits, even if they don’t actually serve us well. 
+From within the lockdown. we have a chance to change some of our habits and patterns, so we don't have to go back to an expensive and violent normal. It's interesting to think about the world we want to live in in a theoretical way, but now we have a chance to experiment with how we live our daily lives and how we value ourselves and each other, and let those practices define the future. 
+Of course, contrary to the new age, self-help industry’s suggestion, simply believing something doesn’t change reality, and that kind of individualism will only reproduce capitalism. Organizing and organization will be required, and we have the fight of our lives ahead of us. But a revolution like the one we need will not come about or stick unless we, as its participants, transform ourselves together. Changing our patterns and habits alone won’t liberate us, but it will help us prepare for liberation, and for the world we will have to build.  
 
 ## Prediction, cognition and emotion
-> “Predictions are basically the way your brain works. It's business as usual for your brain. Predictions are the basis of every experience that you have. They are the basis of every action that you take. In fact, predictions are what allow you to understand the words that I'm speaking as they come out of my --” Lisa Feldman Barrett
+> “Predictions are basically the way your brain works. It's business as usual for your brain. Predictions are the basis of every experience that you have. They are the basis of every action that you take. In fact, predictions are what allow you to understand the words that I'm speaking as they come out of my --” Lisa Feldman Barrett 
 
-Neuroscientist Lisa Feldman Barrett explains that, while we typically assume prediction is a complex and advanced mental function, it’s actually at the core of how we think, and deeply connected with our emotions. As we experience the world and even in our dreams our brains are constantly making predictions about what will happen next, based on our past experiences.   “Predictions are primal” she explains “They help us to make sense of the world in a quick and efficient way. So your brain does not react to the world. Using past experience, your brain predicts and constructs your experience of the world.” This all happens at lightening speed, outside of our conscious mind. A lot of our emotional life stems from this: when our past experience has shaped our brain to expect somethign good from an experience, we can be pleased, calm and satisfied when our predictions about that experience are right, and the opposite is also true. We can become distraught, angry or hostile when our predictions are incorrect.
+Neuroscientist Lisa Feldman Barrett explains that, while we typically assume prediction is a complex and advanced mental function, it’s actually at the core of how we think, and deeply connected with our emotions. As we experience the world and even in our dreams our brains are constantly making predictions about what will happen next, based on our past experiences.   “Predictions are primal” she explains “They help us to make sense of the world in a quick and efficient way. So your brain does not react to the world. Using past experience, your brain predicts and constructs your experience of the world.” This all happens at lightening speed, outside of our conscious mind. A lot of our emotional life stems from this: when our past experience has shaped our brain to expect somethign good from an experience, we can be pleased, calm and satisfied when our predictions about that experience are right, and the opposite is also true. We can become distraught, angry or hostile when our predictions are incorrect. 
 
-Ultimately, then, the way our brain experiences and makes sense of the world is through a combination of habit or patterns and emotion. This agrees with a lot of our common experiences of feeling trapped in cycles or stuck in a rut. When we provide support to friends or family, it’s not just about commiseration but helping them recognize patterns and unhelpful emotional responses. If that’s all true, and if the brain is as elastic and changeable as we know it is, then we can repattern and transform the brain, and ourselves, by creating and sustaining new habits and patterns.
+Ultimately, then, the way our brain experiences and makes sense of the world is through a combination of habit or patterns and emotion. This agrees with a lot of our common experiences of feeling trapped in cycles or stuck in a rut. When we provide support to friends or family, it’s not just about commiseration but helping them recognize patterns and unhelpful emotional responses. If that’s all true, and if the brain is as elastic and changeable as we know it is, then we can repattern and transform the brain, and ourselves, by creating and sustaining new habits and patterns. 
 
-What happens when everyone, at the same time, experiences the need to create new habits, when the pressures within which we created our patterns disappear?
+What happens when everyone, at the same time, experiences the need to create new habits, when the pressures within which we created our patterns disappear? 
 
 ## De-habituation from capitalism
-So many of our patterns and habits have been formed as ways to survive within the pressures of capitalism, but in this moment many of those pressures have evaporated. There is a rare opportunity to experiment and build new habits and patterns..
-
-For example, within capitalism, we have habituated ourselves to imagine that when we receive something, even if it’s a life-giving object or service, we are obligated to reciprocate somethign considered to be of equal value,  whether it is for gum or toothpaste, massage or rent. On the one hand, maybe the impulse for fairness comes from a good place, but in many ways this habit is deeply unhelpful. For instance, most of our most important relationships, with friends or parents, are necessarily unequal in terms of the time, energy and “resources” one of us commits relative to the other. Your brain is so programmed that you give something equivalent to what you receive, but that's not always appropriate. Sometimes people give and they don’t want anything in return. In fact, this inclination is absolutely essential to society and life. It works because, as the saying goes, what goes around comes around: giving without the need for reciprocal exchange is something we all benefit from and we all do, but not always with the same people. But in spite of the fact this is central to our lives, it's hard to see and trust because our brains are so patterned by our experience of capitalism that insists that all value comes from competitive exchange. We feel compelled to give, or even guilty if you don’t reciprocate. This is a big gross pattern.
-
-I have a friend in Palestine and she told me that until recently her mom had never bought food. She had only grown it or raised it or was given it. To spend money on food was, for her, absurd. I have only ever bought food. This made me consider how deeply limiting my experience and patterns have been, formed as they are in a transactional culture.
+So many of our patterns and habits have been formed as ways to survive within the pressures of capitalism, but in this moment many of those pressures have evaporated. There is a rare opportunity to experiment and build new habits and patterns.. 
+For example, within capitalism, we have habituated ourselves to imagine that when we receive something, even if it’s a life-giving object or service, we are obligated to reciprocate somethign considered to be of equal value,  whether it is for gum or toothpaste, massage or rent. On the one hand, maybe the impulse for fairness comes from a good place, but in many ways this habit is deeply unhelpful. For instance, most of our most important relationships, with friends or parents, are necessarily unequal in terms of the time, energy and “resources” one of us commits relative to the other. Your brain is so programmed that you give something equivalent to what you receive, but that's not always appropriate. Sometimes people give and they don’t want anything in return. In fact, this inclination is absolutely essential to society and life. It works because, as the saying goes, what goes around comes around: giving without the need for reciprocal exchange is something we all benefit from and we all do, but not always with the same people. But in spite of the fact this is central to our lives, it's hard to see and trust because our brains are so patterned by our experience of capitalism that insists that all value comes from competitive exchange. We feel compelled to give, or even guilty if you don’t reciprocate. This is a big gross pattern. 
+I have a friend in Palestine and she told me that until recently her mom had never bought food. She had only grown it or raised it or was given it. To spend money on food was, for her, absurd. I have only ever bought food. This made me consider how deeply limiting my experience and patterns have been, formed as they are in a transactional culture. 
 
 ## Creating new patterns
 
 The Hologram necessarily relies on and makes possible the creation of new patterns. When three people turn their care and attention on one it fundamentally challenges many of the habits we have formed to survive under capitalism. We cannot change our habits alone. It is partly for this reason that we consider the hologram a teacher and not just a subject of care: when she allows herself the vulnerability and generosity to accept help in identifying, breaking and forming new patterns, she offers an opportunity for the whole triangle to learn how such a process might work. Even accepting such care, or learning to provide it, necessarily means we have to break many patterns and habits. In The Hologram we quite literally rewire our brains, together.
-
 Here are some examples of patterns we transform:
 
 **Complicating reciprocity**
-You receive care but you don't give back to the person or people who gave it to you. There is no equal exchange, tit for tat. There's a chance here to reprogram our ideas about reciprocation and transaction within a caring network of people, when we know that care is being well distributed and that reciprocation is always happening, and it isn’t a mystery how to do it well. Importantly, The Hologram as a distributed social technology, “works” when many hologram groups are interlinked, so that reciprocity isn’t a two-way street but a network: those who provide care do, in the end, also receive it, but from others.
+You receive care but you don't give back to the person or people who gave it to you. There is no equal exchange, tit for tat. There's a chance here to reprogram our ideas about reciprocation and transaction within a caring network of people, when we know that care is being well distributed and that reciprocation is always happening, and it isn’t a mystery how to do it well. Importantly, The Hologram as a distributed social technology, “works” when many hologram groups are interlinked, so that reciprocity isn’t a two-way street but a network: those who provide care do, in the end, also receive it, but from others. 
 
 **Learning to see each others’ patterns**
 This is the primal idea of the hologram: even after a short time, but especially after a long time (10 years), a triangle is likely to be able to see a hologram’s patterns and help her move past them if they do not serve her.  There is something profoundly powerful and transformative about observing and identifying others’ patterns and they help us recognize our own patterns and habits which, while they might be very different, perhaps emerged from similar pressures and circumstances. This is one important reason why the hologram is a teacher, not a patient.
@@ -49,7 +44,7 @@ Within the hologram we have chances to think about creating new patterns for eac
 ## Activity 6
 To give yourself healing hands, so you can heal anyone or anything, even time.
 * Rub the palms of your hands together briskly for 3-5 minutes.
-* Then stretch your arms out to the sides, parallel to the floor, palms up, thumbs pointing back as if you are balancing a dish on each hand. Set a timer and do the “Breath of Fire” for 3 minutes: forcefully exhale from your nostrils in a rapid, rhythmic way (your body will automatically inhale between breaths). You can start by letting your tongue hang out and pant like a dog, then close your mouth and keep breathing through your nose.
+* Then stretch your arms out to the sides, parallel to the floor, palms up, thumbs pointing back as if you are balancing a dish on each hand. Set a timer and do the “Breath of Fire” for 3 minutes: forcefully exhale from your nostrils in a rapid, rhythmic way (your body will automatically inhale between breaths). You can start by letting your tongue hang out and pant like a dog, then close your mouth and keep breathing through your nose. 
 * After three minutes, inhale and hold the breath in and, with your arms still out to your sides, bend your wrists so your palms are facing out (away from the body), as if you were pushing out the walls on either side of you. Feel the energy in the center of the palms flowing to your entire body. Exhale and relax the breath.
 * Rub your hands together again for 2 minutes and continue Breath of Fire.
-* Inhale and hold your breath. With your arms still out to the sides, turn your elbows so your hands are in front of your chest, like you’re holding an 8-inch ball a few inches in front of your diaphragm, with the right hand flat on top of the ball and the left supporting it from below. Meditate on the exchange of energy between the palms of the hands for a few minutes.
+* Inhale and hold your breath. With your arms still out to the sides, turn your elbows so your hands are in front of your chest, like you’re holding an 8-inch ball a few inches in front of your diaphragm, with the right hand flat on top of the ball and the left supporting it from below. Meditate on the exchange of energy between the palms of the hands for a few minutes.

content/session/piracyandcivildisobedience.md

@@ -6,212 +6,301 @@ title: "Piracy and Civil Disobedience, Then and Now"
 
 # On the concept of piracy
 
-- ![](bib:aadccc99-21db-4376-8043-f663036b5d83)
-
+Amedeo Policante, The Pirate Myth.Genealogies of an Imperial Concept. Routledge, 2015.
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/49ecca24-12bc-44f9-9c4c-ecafbd74b3e6
 > The image of the pirate is at once spectral and ubiquitous. It haunts the imagination of international legal scholars, diplomats and statesmen involved in the war on terror. It returns in the headlines of international newspapers as an untimely ‘security threat’. It materializes on the most provincial cinematic screen and the most acclaimed works of fiction. It casts its shadow over the liquid spatiality of the Net, where cyber-activists, file-sharers and a large part of the global youth are condemned as pirates, often embracing that definition with pride rather than resentment. Today, the pirate remains a powerful political icon, embodying at once the persistent nightmare of an anomic wilderness at the fringe of civilization, and the fantasy of a possible anarchic freedom beyond the rigid norms of the state and of the market. And yet, what are the origins of this persistent ‘pirate myth’ in the Western political imagination? Can we trace the historical trajectory that has charged this ambiguous figure with the emotional, political and imaginary tensions that continue to characterize it? What can we learn from the history of piracy and the ways in which it intertwines with the history of imperialism and international trade? Drawing on international law, political theory, and popular literature, The Pirate Myth offers an authoritative genealogy of this immortal political and cultural icon, showing that the history of piracy – the different ways in which pirates have been used, outlawed and suppressed by the major global powers, but also fantasized, imagined and romanticised by popular culture – can shed unexpected light on the different forms of violence that remain at the basis of our contemporary global order.
 
-- ![](bib:ec9be046-5f81-43bf-80a4-1d0bcda7639e)
-
+Martin Fredriksson, James Arvanitakis. Piracy: Leakages From Modernity. Litwin Books, 2014
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/302a5c74-bf61-4401-b9c5-1c900e2b1e31
 > "Piracy" is a concept that seems everywhere in the contemporary world. From the big screen with the dashing Jack Sparrow, to the dangers off the coast of Somalia; from the claims by the Motion Picture Association of America that piracy funds terrorism, to the political impact of pirate parties in countries like Sweden and Germany. While the spread of piracy provokes responses from the shipping and copyright industries, the reverse is also true: for every new development in capitalist technologies, some sort of "piracy" moment emerges. This may be most obvious in the current ideologisation of Internet piracy, where the rapid spread of so called pirate parties is developing into a kind of global political movement. While the pirates of Somalia seem a long way removed from Internet pirates illegally downloading the latest music hit, it is the assertion of this book that such developments indicate a complex interplay between capital flows and relations, late modernity, property rights and spaces of contestation. That is, piracy emerges at specific nodes in capitalist relations that create both blockages and leaks between different social actors. These various aspects of piracy form the focus for this book. It is a collection of texts that takes a broad perspective on piracy and attempts to capture the multidimensional impacts of piracy on capitalist society today. The book is edited by James Arvanitakis at the University of Western Sydney and Martin Fredriksson at Linköping University, Sweden.
 
 
-# Piracy Then
 
-- ![](bib:80734a9f-a669-47ac-818b-80d49c1a7ca0)
+# Piracy Then 
 
+Gabriel Kuhn. Life Under the Jolly Roger: Reflections on Golden Age Piracy. PM Press, 2010.
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/2b9566b3-5575-47ea-8f64-e7e023bd7385
 > Dissecting the conflicting views of the golden age of pirates—as romanticized villains on one hand and genuine social rebels on the other—this fascinating chronicle explores the political and cultural significance of these nomadic outlaws by examining a wide range of ethnographical, sociological, and philosophical standards. The meanings of race, gender, sexuality, and disability in pirate communities are analyzed and contextualized, as are the pirates' forms of organization, economy, and ethics. Going beyond simple swashbuckling adventures, the examination also discusses the pirates' self-organization, the internal make-up of the crews, and their early-1700s philosophies—all of which help explain who they were and what they truly wanted. Asserting that pirates came in all shapes, sexes, and sizes, this engaging study ultimately portrays pirates not just as mere thieves and killers but as radical activists with their own society and moral code fighting against an empire.
 
-- ![](bib:86e6ace7-c4a4-4044-a8e5-4d7e3f817483)
 
-> Pack your cutlass and blunderbuss--it's time to go a-pirating! The Invisible Hook takes readers inside the wily world of late seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century pirates. With swashbuckling irreverence and devilish wit, Peter Leeson uncovers the hidden economics behind pirates' notorious, entertaining, and sometimes downright shocking behavior. Why did pirates fly flags of Skull & Bones? Why did they create a "pirate code"? Were pirates really ferocious madmen? And what made them so successful? The Invisible Hook uses economics to examine these and other infamous aspects of piracy. Leeson argues that the pirate customs we know and love resulted from pirates responding rationally to prevailing economic conditions in the pursuit of profits. *The Invisible Hook* looks at legendary pirate captains like Blackbeard, Black Bart Roberts, and Calico Jack Rackam, and shows how pirates' search for plunder led them to pioneer remarkable and forward-thinking practices. Pirates understood the advantages of constitutional democracy--a model they adopted more than fifty years before the United States did so. Pirates also initiated an early system of workers' compensation, regulated drinking and smoking, and in some cases practiced racial tolerance and equality. Leeson contends that pirates exemplified the virtues of vice--their self-seeking interests generated socially desirable effects and their greedy criminality secured social order. Pirates proved that anarchy could be organized.
+Peter T. Leeson. The Invisible Hook: The Hidden Economics of Pirates. Princeton University Press, 2009.
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/549a0aa1-6b3f-4c96-a020-97667345b89e
+> Pack your cutlass and blunderbuss--it's time to go a-pirating! The Invisible Hook takes readers inside the wily world of late seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century pirates. With swashbuckling irreverence and devilish wit, Peter Leeson uncovers the hidden economics behind pirates' notorious, entertaining, and sometimes downright shocking behavior. Why did pirates fly flags of Skull & Bones? Why did they create a "pirate code"? Were pirates really ferocious madmen? And what made them so successful? The Invisible Hook uses economics to examine these and other infamous aspects of piracy. Leeson argues that the pirate customs we know and love resulted from pirates responding rationally to prevailing economic conditions in the pursuit of profits.
+The Invisible Hook looks at legendary pirate captains like Blackbeard, Black Bart Roberts, and Calico Jack Rackam, and shows how pirates' search for plunder led them to pioneer remarkable and forward-thinking practices. Pirates understood the advantages of constitutional democracy--a model they adopted more than fifty years before the United States did so. Pirates also initiated an early system of workers' compensation, regulated drinking and smoking, and in some cases practiced racial tolerance and equality. Leeson contends that pirates exemplified the virtues of vice--their self-seeking interests generated socially desirable effects and their greedy criminality secured social order. Pirates proved that anarchy could be organized.
 
-- ![](bib:ad012c3a-ad44-42ba-b752-a6b38dc2952b)
+Paul H Robinson. Pirates, Prisoners, and Lepers: Lessons From Life Outside the Law. University of Nebraska Press, 2015.
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/1cda6de9-7b34-4d0f-90b4-35e4f9cb15a4
 
-> It has long been held that humans need government to impose social order on a chaotic, dangerous world. How, then, did early humans survive on the Serengeti Plain, surrounded by faster, stronger, and bigger predators in a harsh and forbidding environment? Pirates, Prisoners, and Lepers examines an array of natural experiments and accidents of human history to explore the fundamental nature of how human beings act when beyond the scope of the law. Pirates of the 1700s, the leper colony on Molokai Island, prisoners of the Nazis, hippie communes of the 1970s, shipwreck and plane crash survivors, and many more diverse groups—they all existed in the absence of formal rules, punishments, and hierarchies. Paul and Sarah Robinson draw on these real-life stories to suggest that humans are predisposed to be cooperative, within limits. What these “communities” did and how they managed have dramatic implications for shaping our modern institutions. Should today’s criminal justice system build on people’s shared intuitions about justice? Or are we better off acknowledging this aspect of human nature but using law to temper it? Knowing the true nature of our human character and our innate ideas about justice offers a roadmap to a better society.
+> It has long been held that humans need government to impose social order on a chaotic, dangerous world. How, then, did early humans survive on the Serengeti Plain, surrounded by faster, stronger, and bigger predators in a harsh and forbidding environment? Pirates, Prisoners, and Lepers examines an array of natural experiments and accidents of human history to explore the fundamental nature of how human beings act when beyond the scope of the law. Pirates of the 1700s, the leper colony on Molokai Island, prisoners of the Nazis, hippie communes of the 1970s, shipwreck and plane crash survivors, and many more diverse groups—they all existed in the absence of formal rules, punishments, and hierarchies. Paul and Sarah Robinson draw on these real-life stories to suggest that humans are predisposed to be cooperative, within limits.  
+What these “communities” did and how they managed have dramatic implications for shaping our modern institutions. Should today’s criminal justice system build on people’s shared intuitions about justice? Or are we better off acknowledging this aspect of human nature but using law to temper it? Knowing the true nature of our human character and our innate ideas about justice offers a roadmap to a better society. 
 
-- ![](bib:7ee915da-45b8-45a6-acc5-5d0aea60ae4d)
+Janice E. Thomson. Mercenaries, Pirates, and Sovereigns: State-Building and Extraterritorial Violence in Early Modern Europe. Princeton University Press, 1996.
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/c29893dd-d596-4434-8858-46878380df37
 
 > The contemporary organization of global violence is neither timeless nor natural, argues Janice Thomson. It is distinctively modern. In this book she examines how the present arrangement of the world into violence-monopolizing sovereign states evolved over the six preceding centuries.
 
-- ![](bib:9b27158c-4096-40a6-805f-e7fe068672f7)
+Peter Linebaugh. Stop, Thief!: The Commons, Enclosures, and Resistance (Spectre). PM Press, 2014.
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/c529dbe5-e7b8-4bd2-9d6c-b320733551d2
 
 > In bold and intelligently written essays, historian Peter Linebaugh takes aim at the thieves of land, the polluters of the seas, the ravagers of the forests, the despoilers of rivers, and the removers of mountaintops. From Thomas Paine to the Luddites and from Karl Marx—who concluded his great study of capitalism with the enclosure of commons—to the practical dreamer William Morris who made communism into a verb and advocated communizing industry and agriculture, to the 20th-century communist historian E. P. Thompson, Linebaugh brings to life the vital commonist tradition. He traces the red thread from the great revolt of commoners in 1381 to the enclosures of Ireland, and the American commons, where European immigrants who had been expelled from their commons met the immense commons of the native peoples and the underground African American urban commons, and all the while urges the ancient spark of resistance.
 
 
-# Piracy Now
+## Piracy Now
 
-- ![](bib:d9810dd6-17ab-4fc4-a2ad-d6e2581c49e9)
+
+
+Valbona Muzaka. The Politics of Intellectual Property Rights and Access to Medicines. Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/061b5434-b9dc-4dfe-b82e-9c7838175b07
 
 > This book shows why contests over intellectual property rights and access to affordable medicines emerged in the 1990s and how they have been 'resolved' so far. It argues that the current arrangement mainly ensures wealth for some rather than health for all, and points to broader concerns related to governing intellectual property solely as capital
 
-- ![](bib:d417ad17-402d-4e1a-a4fa-eeb371e61d40)
+
+Gaëlle Krikorian and Amy Kapczynski. Access to Knowledge in the Age of Intellectual Property. Zone Books, 2010.
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/45ea1328-3910-4ab6-87d1-53131065394c
 
 > At the end of the twentieth century, intellectual property rights collided with everyday life. Expansive copyright laws and digital rights management technologies sought to shut down new forms of copying and remixing made possible by the Internet. International laws expanding patent rights threatened the lives of millions of people around the world living with HIV/AIDS by limiting their access to cheap generic medicines. For decades, governments have tightened the grip of intellectual property law at the bidding of information industries; but recently, groups have emerged around the world to challenge this wave of enclosure with a new counter-politics of "access to knowledge" or "A2K." They include software programmers who took to the streets to defeat software patents in Europe, AIDS activists who forced multinational pharmaceutical companies to permit copies of their medicines to be sold in poor countries, subsistence farmers defending their rights to food security or access to agricultural biotechnology, and college students who created a new "free culture" movement to defend the digital commons. Access to Knowledge in the Age of Intellectual Property maps this emerging field of activism as a series of historical moments, strategies, and concepts. It gathers some of the most important thinkers and advocates in the field to make the stakes and strategies at play in this new domain visible and the terms of intellectual property law intelligible in their political implications around the world. A Creative Commons edition of this work will be freely available online.
 
-- ![](bib:b265b5bb-aec7-45ae-89d5-9e1643bf8400)
-
+Vandana Shiva. Protect or Plunder? Understanding Intellectual Property Rights. Zed, 2001. 
 > Intellectual property rights, TRIPS, patents - they sound technical, even boring. Yet, as Vandana Shiva shows, what kinds of ideas, technologies, identification of genes, even manipulations of life forms can be owned and exploited for profit by giant corporations is a vital issue for our times. In this readable and compelling introduction to an issue that lies at the heart of the socalled knowledge economy, Vandana Shiva makes clear how this Western-inspired and unprecedented widening of the concept does not in fact stimulate human creativity and the generation of knowledge. Instead, it is being exploited by transnational corporations in order to increase their profits at the expense of the health of ordinary people, and the poor in particular, and the age-old knowledge and independence of the world's farmers. Intellectual protection is being transformed into corporate plunder. Little wonder popular resistance around the world is rising to the WTO that polices this new intellectual world order, the pharmaceutical, biotech and other corporations which dominate it, and the new technologies they are foisting upon us.
 
-- ![](bib:13798723-8522-49c3-90f2-a6b2baab54df)
+
+Vandana Shiva. Biopiracy. The Plunder of Nature and Knowledge. South End Press, 1999.
 
 > In this intelligently argued and principled book, internationally renowned Third World environmentalist Vandana Shiva exposes the latest frontier of the North's ongoing assault against the South's biological and other resources. Since the land, the forests, the oceans, and the atmosphere have already been colonized, eroded, and polluted, she argues, Northern capital is now carving out new colonies to exploit for gain: the interior spaces of the bodies of women, plants and animals.
 
-- ![](bib:645aa2d0-7e92-4dde-9ef4-855c736b14d4)
+Balasegaram M, et al.  An Open source Pharma Roadmap. PLoS Med 14(4): e1002276. 2017.
 
-- [Open Source Pharma](https://www.opensourcepharma.net/)
+Open Source Pharma
+https://www.opensourcepharma.net/
 
-- ![](bib:315297e1-db31-4a45-88c0-5946ae6cab4a)
+
+Charlotte Waelde and Hector L. MacQueen. Intellectual Property: The Many Faces of the Public Domain.Edward Elgar Publishing, 2007.
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/c6bf5c11-dcc4-4329-ae40-85bc2b26a020
 
 > As technological progress marches on, so anxiety over the shape of the public domain is likely to continue if not increase. This collection helps to define the boundaries within which the debate over the shape of law and policy should take place. From historical analysis to discussion of contemporary developments, the importance of the public domain in its cultural and scientific contexts is explored by lawyers, scientists, economists, librarians, journalists and entrepreneurs. The contributions will both deepen and enliven the reader's understanding of the public domain in its many guises, and will also serve to highlight the public domain's key role in innovation. This book will appeal not only to students and researchers coming from a variety of fields, but also to policy-makers in the IP field and those more generally interested in the public domain, as well as those more directly involved in the current movements towards open access, open science and open source.
 
-- ![](bib:86c5bd57-2df0-418f-9a15-03aa02da081d)
+Kate Darling and Aaron Perzanowski. Creativity Without Law: Challenging the Assumptions of Intellectual Property. NYU Press, 2017.
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/9c5320be-d313-407c-8938-4e7717fbda45
 
 > Intellectual property law, or IP law, is based on certain assumptions about creative behavior. The case for regulation assumes that creators have a fundamental legal right to prevent copying, and without this right they will under-invest in new work. But this premise fails to fully capture the reality of creative production. It ignores the range of powerful non-economic motivations that compel creativity, and it overlooks the capacity of creative industries for self-governance and innovative social and market responses to appropriation. This book reveals the on-the-ground practices of a range of creators and innovators. In doing so, it challenges intellectual property orthodoxy by showing that incentives for creative production often exist in the absence of, or in disregard for, formal legal protections. Instead, these communities rely on evolving social norms and market responses—sensitive to their particular cultural, competitive, and technological circumstances—to ensure creative incentives. From tattoo artists to medical researchers, Nigerian filmmakers to roller derby players, the communities illustrated in this book demonstrate that creativity can thrive without legal incentives, and perhaps more strikingly, that some creative communities prefer, and thrive, in environments defined by self-regulation rather than legal rules. Beyond their value as descriptions of specific industries and communities, the accounts collected here help to ground debates over IP policy in the empirical realities of the creative process. Their parallels and divergences also highlight the value of rules that are sensitive to the unique mix of conditions and motivations of particular industries and communities, rather than the monoculture of uniform regulation of the current IP system.
 
-- ![](bib:0beb8a24-590f-4936-ab78-047175508269)
+Elizabeth Alford Pollock. Popular Culture, Piracy, and Outlaw Pedagogy: A Critique of the Miseducation of Davy Jones. Sense Publishers, 2014.
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/93e66264-526f-48e6-9b22-5a9fc9d6b093
 
 > Popular Culture, Piracy, and Outlaw Pedagogy explores the relationship between power and resistance by critiquing the popular cultural image of the pirate represented in Pirates of the Caribbean. Of particular interest is the reliance on modernism's binary good/evil, Sparrow/Jones, how the films' distinguish the two concepts/characters via corruption, and what we may learn from this structure which I argue supports neoliberal ideologies of indifference towards the piratical Other. What became evident in my research is how the erasure of corruption via imperial and colonial codifications within seventeenth century systems of culture, class hierarchies, and language succeeded in its re-presentation of the pirate and members of a colonized India as corrupt individuals with empire emerging from the struggle as exempt from that corruption. This erasure is evidenced in Western portrayals of Somali pirates as corrupt Beings without any acknowledgement of transnational corporations' role in provoking pirate resurgence in that region. This forces one to re-examine who the pirate is in this situation. Erasure is also evidenced in current interpretations of both Bush's No Child Left Behind and Obama's Race to the Top initiative. While NCLB created conditions through which corruption occurred, I demonstrate how Race to the Top erases that corruption from the institution of education by placing it solely into the hands of teachers, thus providing the institution a "free pass" to engage in any behavior it deems fit. What pirates teach us, then, are potential ways to thwart the erasure process by engaging a pedagogy of passion, purpose, radical love and loyalty to the people involved in the educational process.
 
-- ![](bib:7b2a690f-672a-4002-af03-2c2630a193c6)
+Marcell Mars, Tomislav Medak, Petar Jandrić, Ana Kuzmanić. Knowledge Commons and Activist Pedagogies: From Idealist Positions to Collective Actions. SensePublishers, 2017.
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/30ed59e8-7d95-47d5-b37f-73de3a2e2c0b
 
-- ![](bib:1a62ced8-5ce1-4a80-9050-271f9e5cd44c)
 
-> Today, when it seems like everything has been privatized, when austerity is too often seen as an economic or political problem that can be solved through better policy, and when the idea of moral values has been commandeered by the right, how can we re-imagine the forces used as weapons against community, solidarity, ecology and life itself?  In this stirring call to arms, Max Haiven argues that capitalism has colonized how we all imagine and express what is valuable. Looking at the decline of the public sphere, the corporatization of education, the privatization of creativity, and the power of finance capital in opposition to the power of the imagination and the growth of contemporary social movements, Haiven provides a powerful argument for creating an anti-capitalist commons. Not only is capitalism crisis itself, but moving beyond it is the only key to survival.
+Max Haiven. Crises of Imagination, Crises of Power: Capitalism, Creativity and the Commons. Zed Books, 2014.
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/79da1290-aa12-41d4-a5cd-895d91f45c4f
 
-- ![](bib:6a1ed17a-7892-4aa3-94ee-566de564f932)
+> Today, when it seems like everything has been privatized, when austerity is too often seen as an economic or political problem that can be solved through better policy, and when the idea of moral values has been commandeered by the right, how can we re-imagine the forces used as weapons against community, solidarity, ecology and life itself?  In this stirring call to arms, Max Haiven argues that capitalism has colonized how we all imagine and express what is valuable. Looking at the decline of the public sphere, the corporatization of education, the privatization of creativity, and the power of finance capital in opposition to the power of the imagination and the growth of contemporary social movements, Haiven provides a powerful argument for creating an anti-capitalist commons. Not only is capitalism crisis itself, but moving beyond it is the only key to survival. 
+
+James Boyle. The Public Domain: Enclosing the Commons of the Mind. Yale University Press, 2008.
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/5c2bcb6e-53a1-465a-b975-e432c2ac8b1a
 
 > In this enlightening book James Boyle describes what he calls the range wars of the information age—today’s heated battles over intellectual property. Boyle argues that just as every informed citizen needs to know at least something about the environment or civil rights, every citizen should also understand intellectual property law. Why? Because intellectual property rights mark out the ground rules of the information society, and today’s policies are unbalanced, unsupported by evidence, and often detrimental to cultural access, free speech, digital creativity, and scientific innovation. Boyle identifies as a major problem the widespread failure to understand the importance of the public domain—the realm of material that everyone is free to use and share without permission or fee. The public domain is as vital to innovation and culture as the realm of material protected by intellectual property rights, he asserts, and he calls for a movement akin to the environmental movement to preserve it. With a clear analysis of issues ranging from Jefferson’s philosophy of innovation to musical sampling, synthetic biology and Internet file sharing, this timely book brings a positive new perspective to important cultural and legal debates. If we continue to enclose the “commons of the mind,” Boyle argues, we will all be the poorer. 
 
-- ![](bib:556ed36c-68ec-4c4a-94c9-643fd0d9eb3c)
+Patrick Burkart. Pirate Politics: The New Information Policy Contests. MIT, 2014.
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/38c1541f-ffc0-4d19-9848-7c20f05d3a7a
 
 > The Swedish Pirate Party emerged as a political force in 2006 when a group of software programmers and file-sharing geeks protested the police takedown of The Pirate Bay, a Swedish file-sharing search engine. The Swedish Pirate Party, and later the German Pirate Party, came to be identified with a free culture message that came into conflict with the European Union's legal system. In this book, Patrick Burkart examines the emergence of Pirate politics as an umbrella cyberlibertarian movement that views file sharing as a form of free expression and advocates for the preservation of the Internet as a commons. He links the Pirate movement to the Green movement, arguing that they share a moral consciousness and an explicit ecological agenda based on the notion of a commons, or public domain. The Pirate parties, like the Green Party, must weigh ideological purity against pragmatism as they move into practical national and regional politics. Burkart uses second-generation critical theory and new social movement theory as theoretical perspectives for his analysis of the democratic potential of Pirate politics. After setting the Pirate parties in conceptual and political contexts, Burkart examines European antipiracy initiatives, the influence of the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, and the pressure exerted on European governance by American software and digital exporters. He argues that pirate politics can be seen as cultural environmentalism, a defense of Internet culture against both corporate and state colonization.
 
-- ![](bib:2c8f35de-ad1a-4b16-84c5-64cc69b4fa62)
+Gary Hall. Pirate Philosophy: For a Digital Posthumanities. MIT Press, 2016.
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/9e4351ea-258c-4216-939b-24c7e6b05d47
 
-> In Pirate Philosophy, Gary Hall considers whether the fight against the neoliberal corporatization of higher education in fact requires scholars to transform their own lives and labor. Is there a way for philosophers and theorists to act not just for or with the antiausterity and student protestors -- "graduates without a future" -- but in terms of their political struggles? Drawing on such phenomena as peer-to-peer file sharing and anticopyright/pro-piracy movements, Hall explores how those in academia can move beyond finding new ways of thinking about the world to find instead new ways of being theorists and philosophers in the world. Hall describes the politics of online sharing, the battles against the current intellectual property regime, and the actions of Anonymous, LulzSec, Aaron Swartz, and others, and he explains Creative Commons and the open access, open source, and free software movements. But in the heart of the book he considers how, when it comes to scholarly ways of creating, performing, and sharing knowledge, philosophers and theorists can challenge not just the neoliberal model of the entrepreneurial academic but also the traditional humanist model with its received ideas of proprietorial authorship, the book, originality, fixity, and the finished object. In other words, can scholars and students today become something like pirate philosophers?
+> In Pirate Philosophy, Gary Hall considers whether the fight against the neoliberal corporatization of higher education in fact requires scholars to transform their own lives and labor. Is there a way for philosophers and theorists to act not just for or with the antiausterity and student protestors -- "graduates without a future" -- but in terms of their political struggles? Drawing on such phenomena as peer-to-peer file sharing and anticopyright/pro-piracy movements, Hall explores how those in academia can move beyond finding new ways of thinking about the world to find instead new ways of being theorists and philosophers in the world.
+Hall describes the politics of online sharing, the battles against the current intellectual property regime, and the actions of Anonymous, LulzSec, Aaron Swartz, and others, and he explains Creative Commons and the open access, open source, and free software movements. But in the heart of the book he considers how, when it comes to scholarly ways of creating, performing, and sharing knowledge, philosophers and theorists can challenge not just the neoliberal model of the entrepreneurial academic but also the traditional humanist model with its received ideas of proprietorial authorship, the book, originality, fixity, and the finished object. In other words, can scholars and students today become something like pirate philosophers?
 
-- ![](bib:9fd10b7c-0bcf-4671-93ea-8668c63b55a8)
+Jerome H. Reichman, Tom Dedeurwaerdere, Paul F. Uhlir. Governing Digitally Integrated Genetic Resources, Data, and Literature: Global Intellectual Property Strategies for a Redesigned Microbial Research Commons. Cambridge University Press, 2016.
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/10e6d501-5cfe-4c3c-9851-9149adef9ef6
 
 > The free exchange of microbial genetic information is an established public good, facilitating research on medicines, agriculture, and climate change. However, over the past quarter-century, access to genetic resources has been hindered by intellectual property claims from developed countries under the World Trade Organization's TRIPS Agreement (1994) and by claims of sovereign rights from developing countries under the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) (1992). In this volume, the authors examine the scientific community's responses to these obstacles and advise policymakers on how to harness provisions of the Nagoya Protocol (2010) that allow multilateral measures to support research. By pooling microbial materials, data, and literature in a carefully designed transnational e-infrastructure, the scientific community can facilitate access to essential research assets while simultaneously reinforcing the open access movement. The original empirical surveys of responses to the CBD included here provide a valuable addition to the literature on governing scientific knowledge commons.
 
-- ![](bib:7a3b9a1d-c828-4422-adc6-6a043e210838)
+Lucy Finchett-Maddock. Protest, Property and the Commons: Performances of Law and Resistance, Routledge, 2016.
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/2655af82-f155-4dd3-ae93-3f733c7fee31
 
 > Protest, Property and the Commons: Performances of Law and Resistance examines the occupation of space as a mode of resistance. Drawing on the phenomena of social centres, as radical political communities that use the space of squatted, rented, or owned property, the book considers how such communities offer an alternative form of law to that of the state. It then goes on to address the relationship between this form of law recent protest phenomena, such as the Occupy movement. How does the performance of an alternative law enact a e~commonse(tm)? How and why is this manifested in the legal occupation of space? And what does this relationship between space and the commons indicate about the criminalisation of the occupation of space? Contributing to an ongoing re-imagination of the law of property, Protest, Property and the Commons will be of interest to anyone concerned with the role of law in political protest.
 
-- ![](bib:30db2d92-ec47-4768-90b1-e920203da12e)
+Monica Horten. A Copyright Masquerade: How Corporate Lobbying Threatens Online Freedoms, Zed Books, 2013.
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/762d1215-d3ad-4185-94e1-dd22318c1802
 
 > When thousands marched through ice and snow against a copyright treaty, their cries for free speech on the Internet shot to the heart of the European Union and forced a political U-turn. The mighty entertainment industries could only stare in dismay, their back-room plans in tatters. This highly original analysis of three attempts to bring in new laws to defend copyright on the Internet - ACTA, Ley Sinde and the Digital Economy Act - investigates the dance of influence between lobbyists and their political proxies and unmasks the sophistry of their arguments. Copyright expert Monica Horten outlines the myriad ways that lobbyists contrived to bypass democratic process and persuade politicians to take up their cause in imposing an American corporate agenda. In doing so, she argues the case for stronger transparency in copyright policy-making. A Copyright Masquerade is essential reading for anyone who cares about copyright and the Internet, and to those who care about freedom of speech and good government.
 
-- ![](bib:7b8bee10-eabb-4a33-85b4-928cb9410555)
+Hector Postigo. The Digital Rights Movement: The Role of Technology in Subverting Digital Copyright. MIT Press, 2012
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/d2e09be0-7561-4452-bdb4-fc802fa6feb7
 
 > The movement against restrictive digital copyright protection arose largely in response to the excesses of the Digital Millennium Copyright Act (DMCA) of 1998. In The Digital Rights Movement, Hector Postigo shows that what began as an assertion of consumer rights to digital content has become something broader: a movement concerned not just with consumers and gadgets but with cultural ownership. Increasingly stringent laws and technological measures are more than incoveniences; they lock up access to our "cultural commons." Postigo describes the legislative history of the DMCA and how policy "blind spots" produced a law at odds with existing and emerging consumer practices. Yet the DMCA established a political and legal rationale brought to bear on digital media, the Internet, and other new technologies. Drawing on social movement theory and science and technology studies, Postigo presents case studies of resistance to increased control over digital media, describing a host of tactics that range from hacking to lobbying. Postigo discusses the movement's new, user-centered conception of "fair use" that seeks to legitimize noncommercial personal and creative uses such as copying legitimately purchased content and remixing music and video tracks. He introduces the concept of technological resistance--when hackers and users design and deploy technologies that allows access to digital content despite technological protection mechanisms--as the flip side to the technological enforcement represented by digital copy protection and a crucial tactic for the movement.
 
-- ![](bib:d1a0203e-87c3-46eb-af38-4bef1c282c40)
+Joost Smiers and Marieke van Schijndel. Imagine There Is No Copyright and No Cultural Conglomorates too…. Institute of Network Cultures, 2009.
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/d4d853ae-29b5-4a65-aecd-80bfcb11349e
 
-- ![](bib:56a119d5-fdf0-475c-ac1d-e8ba9fbcd1d3)
+Andrew Lison, Marcell Mars, Tomislav Medak, Rick Prelinger. Archives. Meson Press, 2019
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/73163bf4-4558-4ab3-ad3e-b17bc7e5f92f
 
 > Archives have become a nexus in the wake of the digital turn. This book sets out to show how expanded archival practices can challenge contemporary conceptions and inform the redistribution of power and resources. Calling for the necessity to reimagine the potentials of archives in practice, the three contributions ask: Can archives fulfill their paradoxical potential as utopian sites in which the analog and the digital, the past and future, and remembrance and forgetting commingle?
 
-- ![](bib:83d72e25-827b-43cd-bebb-06f1f49bb5a9)
+
+Adrian Johns. Piracy: the intellectual property wars from Gutenberg to Gates. University Of Chicago, 2009.
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/3b648669-6cdd-48ca-acca-f5b07b0ae101
 
 > The recording industry's panic over illegal downloads is nothing new; a century ago, London publishers faced a similar crisis when pirate editions of sheet music were widely available at significantly less cost. Similarly, the debate over pharmaceutical patents echoes an 18th-century dispute over the origins of Epsom salt. These are just two of the historical examples that Johns (_The Nature of the Book_) draws upon as he traces the tensions between authorized and unauthorized producers and distributors of books, music, and other intellectual property in British and American culture from the 17th century to the present. Johns's history is liveliest when it is rooted in the personal—the 19th-century renegade bibliographer Samuel Egerton Brydges, for example, or the jazz and opera lovers who created a thriving network of bootleg recordings in the 1950s—but the shifting theoretical arguments about copyright and authorial property are presented in a cogent and accessible manner. Johns's research stands as an important reminder that today's intellectual property crises are not unprecedented, and offers a survey of potential approaches to a solution.
 
-- ![](bib:6e4db237-248a-45f7-bc9a-5d5f19960b6d)
+Jonas Andersson. For the good of the net: The Pirate Bay as strategic sovereign. Open Humanities Press, 2009
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/599d21af-fc40-4e36-8b30-3f3808ce4873
 
 > In this essay I will argue that as peer-to-peer (p2p)-based file-sharing increasingly becomes the norm for media acquisition among the general Internet public, entities such as The Pirate Bay and associated quasi-institutional entities such as Piratbyrån, Zeropaid, TorrentFreak, etc. have begun to appear less as a reactive force (i.e. ‘breaking the rules’) and more as a proactive one (‘setting the rules’). In providing platforms for sharing and for voicing dissent towards the established entertainment industry, the increasing autonomy gained by these piratical actors becomes more akin to the concept of ‘positive liberty’ than to a purely ‘negative,’ reactive one. 1 Rather than complain about the conservatism of established forms of distribution they simply create new, alternative ones. Entities such as The Pirate Bay can thus be said to have effectively had the ‘upper hand’ in the conflict over the future of copyright and digital distribution. They increasingly set the terms with regard to establishing not only technical protocols for distribution but also codes of behaviour and discursive norms. The entertainment industry is then forced to react to these terms. In this sense, the likes of The Pirate Bay become – in the language of French philosopher Michel de Certeau (1984) – strategic rather than tactical. With this, however, comes the added problem of becoming exposed by their opponents as visible perpetrators of particular acts. The strategic sovereignty of sites such as The Pirate Bay makes them appear to be the reason for the wider change in media distribution, not just an incidental side-effect of it.
 
-
-- ![](bib:015d080e-9fcb-4fa4-b2d0-849f284decf2)
+Caren Irr. Pink Pirates: Contemporary American Women Writers and Copyright. University of Iowa Press, 2010
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/3c065cd2-f1f2-440b-80ce-64f7948b4b7a
 
 > Today, copyright is everywhere, surrounded by a thicket of no trespassing signs that mark creative work as private property. Caren Irr’s Pink Pirates asks how contemporary novelists—represented by Ursula Le Guin, Andrea Barrett, Kathy Acker, and Leslie Marmon Silko—have read those signs, arguing that for feminist writers in particular copyright often conjures up the persistent exclusion of women from ownership. Bringing together voices from law schools, courtrooms, and the writer's desk, Irr shows how some of the most inventive contemporary feminist novelists have reacted to this history. Explaining the complex, three-century lineage of Anglo-American copyright law in clear, accessible terms and wrestling with some of copyright law's most deeply rooted assumptions, Irr sets the stage for a feminist reappraisal of the figure of the literary pirate in the late twentieth century—a figure outside the restrictive bounds of U.S. copyright statutes. Going beyond her readings of contemporary women authors, Irr’s exhaustive history of how women have fared under intellectual property regimes speaks to broader political, social, and economic implications and engages digital-era excitement about the commons with the most utopian and materialist strains in feminist criticism.
 
-- ![](bib:1541c789-92f3-45a9-a015-1313294a0a87)
-
+Margie Borschke. This Is Not a Remix: Piracy, Authenticity and Popular Music. Bloomsbury, 2017
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/14675205-bc62-4797-8876-6e9400b2b30e
 > Widespread distribution of recorded music via digital networks affects more than just business models and marketing strategies; it also alters the way we understand recordings, scenes and histories of popular music culture. This Is Not a Remix uncovers the analog roots of digital practices and brings the long history of copies and piracy into contact with contemporary controversies about the reproduction, use and circulation of recordings on the internet.Borschke examines the innovations that have sprung from the use of recording formats in grassroots music scenes, from the vinyl, tape and acetate that early disco DJs used to create remixes to the mp3 blogs and vinyl revivalists of the 21st century. This is Not A Remix challenges claims that 'remix culture' is a substantially new set of innovations and highlights the continuities and contradictions of the Internet era. Through an historical focus on copy as a property and practice, This Is Not a Remix focuses on questions about the materiality of media, its use and the aesthetic dimensions of reproduction and circulation in digital networks. Through a close look at sometimes illicit forms of composition-including remixes, edits, mashup, bootlegs and playlists-Borschke ponders how and why ideals of authenticity persist in networked cultures where copies and copying are ubiquitous and seemingly at odds with romantic constructions of authorship. By teasing out unspoken assumptions about media and culture, this book offers fresh perspectives on the cultural politics of intellectual property in the digital era and poses questions about the promises, possibilities and challenges of network visibility and mobility.
 
-- ![](bib:43264c0d-2f19-4f78-8edf-5385c93dd995)
+Boatema Boateng. The Copyright Thing Doesn't Work Here: Adinkra and Kente Cloth and Intellectual Property in Ghana.University Of Minnesota Press, 2011
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/803364ab-a23b-420f-8f86-32f6ef05f0bc
 
 > In Ghana, adinkra and kente textiles derive their significance from their association with both Asante and Ghanaian cultural nationalism. Adinkra, made by stenciling patterns with black dye, and kente, a type of strip weaving, each convey, through color, style, and adornment, the bearer’s identity, social status, and even emotional state. Yet both textiles have been widely mass-produced outside Ghana, particularly in East Asia, without any compensation to the originators of the designs. In The Copyright Thing Doesn’t Work Here, Boatema Boateng focuses on the appropriation and protection of adinkra and kente cloth in order to examine the broader implications of the use of intellectual property law to preserve folklore and other traditional forms of knowledge. Boateng investigates the compatibility of indigenous practices of authorship and ownership with those established under intellectual property law, considering the ways in which both are responses to the changing social and historical conditions of decolonization and globalization. Comparing textiles to the more secure copyright protection that Ghanaian musicians enjoy under Ghanaian copyright law, she demonstrates that different forms of social, cultural, and legal capital are treated differently under intellectual property law. Boateng then moves beyond Africa, expanding her analysis to the influence of cultural nationalism among the diaspora, particularly in the United States, on the appropriation of Ghanaian and other African cultures for global markets. Boateng’s rich ethnography brings to the surface difficult challenges to the international regulation of both contemporary and traditional concepts of intellectual property, and questions whether it can even be done.
 
-- ![](bib:4e1d521a-4b83-4e7d-89da-f633fe9a6e4f)
 
-> Johns, an expert in the field of intellectual property and piracy, walks us through the history of pirate radio. Pirate radio stations were most famously a British phenomenon (although many other countries had their own versions of these outlaw broadcasters); they operated from offshore sites, usually a boat, skirting the British regulations regarding license fees, broadcast rights, etc. The BBC saw them as illegal and disreputable, but the pirate broadcasters and their listeners (and even many artists) thought they were exciting and indispensable. The end of British pirate radio came soon after a partnership between two colorful station owners, Oliver Smedley and Reg Calvert, ended in violence, property theft, and death.
+Adrian Johns. Death of a Pirate: British Radio and the Making of the Information Age. W. W. Norton & Company, 2010
 
-- ![](bib:bbb2de10-4330-4e57-9532-ebf0dbf76d67)
+
+> Johns, an expert in the field of intellectual property and piracy, walks us through the history of pirate radio. Pirate radio stations were most famously a British phenomenon (although many other countries had their own versions of these outlaw broadcasters); they operated from offshore sites, usually a boat, skirting the British regulations regarding license fees, broadcast rights, etc. The BBC saw them as illegal and disreputable, but the pirate broadcasters and their listeners (and even many artists) thought they were exciting and indispensable. The end of British pirate radio came soon after a partnership between two colorful station owners, Oliver Smedley and Reg Calvert, ended in violence, property theft, and death. 
+
+
+Noam Chomsky. Pirates and Emperors, Old and New: International Terrorism in the Real World. Haymarket Books, 2015
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/54b6baaa-fe93-4b2e-b6cc-4453bd8db1dd
 
 > This updated edition of Noam Chomsky's classic dis-section of terrorism explores the role of the U.S. in the Middle East, and reveals how the media manipulates -public opinion about what constitutes "terrorism." This edition includes new chapters covering the second Palestinian intifada that began in October 2000; an analysis of the impact of September 11 on U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East; a deconstruction of depictions and perceptions of terrorism since that date; as well as the original sections on Iran and the U.S. bombing of Libya. Chomsky starts by tracing the changing meaning of "terrorism," examining how it originally referred to violent acts by "governments designed to ensure popular submission." He calls its current application "retail terrorism," practiced by "thieves who molest the powerful." Chomsky argues that appreciating the differences between state terror and nongovernmental terror is crucial to stopping terrorism, and understanding why atrocities like the bombing of the World Trade Center happen. In comparing the "war on terror" launched by George W. Bush to that of his father and Ronald Reagan's administrations, Chomsky recalls Winston Churchill's summation of the terror by the powerful: "The rich and powerful have every right to demand that they be left in peace to enjoy what they have gained, often by violence and terror; the rest can be ignored as long as they suffer in silence, but if they interfere with the lives of those who rule the world by right, the 'terrors of the earth' will be visited upon them with righteous wrath, unless power is constrained from within." Pirates and Emperors is a brilliant account of the workings of state terrorism by the world's foremost critic of U.S. imperialism. An internationally acclaimed philosopher, linguist, and political activist, Noam Chomsky teaches at MIT. International Terrorism in the Real World
 
-- ![](bib:0e347e3c-8c98-41a6-9e42-5e3e0d514057)
+Rodolphe Durand, Jean-Philippe Vergne. The Pirate Organization: Lessons From the Fringes of Capitalism. Harvard Business Press, 2012
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/0164f5ee-5a34-47a3-82f7-97d35cb1c1a5
+> When capitalism spread along the trade routes toward the Indies…when radio opened an era of mass communication . . . when the Internet became part of the global economy…pirates were there. And although most people see pirates as solitary anarchists out to destroy capitalism, it turns out the opposite is true. They are the ones who forge the path. In The Pirate Organization, Rodolphe Durand and Jean-Philippe Vergne argue that piracy drives capitalism’s evolution and foreshadows the direction of the economy. Through a rigorous yet engaging analysis of the history and golden ages of piracy, the authors show how pirates form complex and sophisticated organizations that change the course of capitalism. Surprisingly, pirate organizations also behave in predictable ways: challenging widespread norms; controlling resources, communication, and transportation; maintaining trade relationships with other communities; and formulating strategies favoring speed and surprise. We could learn a lot from them—if only we paid more attention. Durand and Vergne recommend that rather than trying to stamp out piracy, savvy entrepreneurs and organizations should keep a sharp eye on the pirate space to stay successful as the game changes—and it always does.
+First published in French to great critical acclaim and commercial success as L’Organisation Pirate: Essai sur l’évolution du capitalisme, this book shows that piracy is not random. It’s predictable, it cannot be separated from capitalism, and it likely will be the source of capitalism’s continuing evolution.
 
-> When capitalism spread along the trade routes toward the Indies…when radio opened an era of mass communication . . . when the Internet became part of the global economy…pirates were there. And although most people see pirates as solitary anarchists out to destroy capitalism, it turns out the opposite is true. They are the ones who forge the path. In The Pirate Organization, Rodolphe Durand and Jean-Philippe Vergne argue that piracy drives capitalism’s evolution and foreshadows the direction of the economy. Through a rigorous yet engaging analysis of the history and golden ages of piracy, the authors show how pirates form complex and sophisticated organizations that change the course of capitalism. Surprisingly, pirate organizations also behave in predictable ways: challenging widespread norms; controlling resources, communication, and transportation; maintaining trade relationships with other communities; and formulating strategies favoring speed and surprise. We could learn a lot from them—if only we paid more attention. Durand and Vergne recommend that rather than trying to stamp out piracy, savvy entrepreneurs and organizations should keep a sharp eye on the pirate space to stay successful as the game changes—and it always does. First published in French to great critical acclaim and commercial success as L’Organisation Pirate: Essai sur l’évolution du capitalisme, this book shows that piracy is not random. It’s predictable, it cannot be separated from capitalism, and it likely will be the source of capitalism’s continuing evolution.
+Peter Ludlow. Crypto Anarchy, Cyberstates, and Pirate Utopias. MIT Press, 2001
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/46519a68-0abc-404a-9598-641a9251649b
 
-- ![](bib:05a13d95-9c9a-4130-b17a-5f52574aa18e)
+> In Crypto Anarchy, Cyberstates, and Pirate Utopias, Peter Ludlow extends the approach he used so successfully in High Noon on the Electronic Frontier, offering a collection of writings that reflects the eclectic nature of the online world, as well as its tremendous energy and creativity. This time the subject is the emergence of governance structures within online communities and the visions of political sovereignty shaping some of those communities. Ludlow views virtual communities as laboratories for conducting experiments in the construction of new societies and governance structures. While many online experiments will fail, Ludlow argues that given the synergy of the online world, new and superior governance structures may emerge. Indeed, utopian visions are not out of place, provided that we understand the new utopias to be fleeting localized "islands in the Net" and not permanent institutions.
+The book is organized in five sections. The first section considers the sovereignty of the Internet. The second section asks how widespread access to resources such as Pretty Good Privacy and anonymous remailers allows the possibility of "Crypto Anarchy" -- essentially carving out space for activities that lie outside the purview of nation states and other traditional powers. The third section shows how the growth of e-commerce is raising questions of legal jurisdiction and taxation for which the geographic boundaries of nation-states are obsolete. The fourth section looks at specific experimental governance structures evolved by online communities. The fifth section considers utopian and anti-utopian visions for cyberspace.
 
-> In Crypto Anarchy, Cyberstates, and Pirate Utopias, Peter Ludlow extends the approach he used so successfully in High Noon on the Electronic Frontier, offering a collection of writings that reflects the eclectic nature of the online world, as well as its tremendous energy and creativity. This time the subject is the emergence of governance structures within online communities and the visions of political sovereignty shaping some of those communities. Ludlow views virtual communities as laboratories for conducting experiments in the construction of new societies and governance structures. While many online experiments will fail, Ludlow argues that given the synergy of the online world, new and superior governance structures may emerge. Indeed, utopian visions are not out of place, provided that we understand the new utopias to be fleeting localized "islands in the Net" and not permanent institutions. The book is organized in five sections. The first section considers the sovereignty of the Internet. The second section asks how widespread access to resources such as Pretty Good Privacy and anonymous remailers allows the possibility of "Crypto Anarchy" -- essentially carving out space for activities that lie outside the purview of nation states and other traditional powers. The third section shows how the growth of e-commerce is raising questions of legal jurisdiction and taxation for which the geographic boundaries of nation-states are obsolete. The fourth section looks at specific experimental governance structures evolved by online communities. The fifth section considers utopian and anti-utopian visions for cyberspace.
+Pirates and Publishers: A Social History of Copyright in Modern China
+Authors: Fei-Hsien Wang
+Publisher: Princeton University Press
+Series: Studies of the Weatherhead East Asian Institute
+Year: 2019
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/557fb350-fbe2-4236-81cc-64e55f9fb196
 
-- ![](bib:53216b2f-79ce-4e5a-9f64-3bb30101d9be)
+> A detailed historical look at how copyright was negotiated and protected by authors, publishers, and the state in late imperial and modern China.
+In Pirates and Publishers, Fei-Hsien Wang reveals the unknown social and cultural history of copyright in China from the 1890s through the 1950s, a time of profound sociopolitical changes. Wang draws on a vast range of previously underutilized archival sources to show how copyright was received, appropriated, and practiced in China, within and beyond the legal institutions of the state. Contrary to common belief, copyright was not a problematic doctrine simply imposed on China by foreign powers with little regard for Chinese cultural and social traditions. Shifting the focus from the state legislation of copyright to the daily, on-the-ground negotiations among Chinese authors, publishers, and state agents, Wang presents a more dynamic, nuanced picture of the encounter between Chinese and foreign ideas and customs.
+Developing multiple ways for articulating their understanding of copyright, Chinese authors, booksellers, and publishers played a crucial role in its growth and eventual institutionalization in China. These individuals enforced what they viewed as copyright to justify their profit, protect their books, and crack down on piracy in a changing knowledge economy. As China transitioned from a late imperial system to a modern state, booksellers and publishers created and maintained their own economic rules and regulations when faced with the absence of an effective legal framework.
+Exploring how copyright was transplanted, adopted, and practiced, Pirates and Publishers demonstrates the pivotal roles of those who produce and circulate knowledge.
 
-> A detailed historical look at how copyright was negotiated and protected by authors, publishers, and the state in late imperial and modern China. In *Pirates and Publishers*, Fei-Hsien Wang reveals the unknown social and cultural history of copyright in China from the 1890s through the 1950s, a time of profound sociopolitical changes. Wang draws on a vast range of previously underutilized archival sources to show how copyright was received, appropriated, and practiced in China, within and beyond the legal institutions of the state. Contrary to common belief, copyright was not a problematic doctrine simply imposed on China by foreign powers with little regard for Chinese cultural and social traditions. Shifting the focus from the state legislation of copyright to the daily, on-the-ground negotiations among Chinese authors, publishers, and state agents, Wang presents a more dynamic, nuanced picture of the encounter between Chinese and foreign ideas and customs. Developing multiple ways for articulating their understanding of copyright, Chinese authors, booksellers, and publishers played a crucial role in its growth and eventual institutionalization in China. These individuals enforced what they viewed as copyright to justify their profit, protect their books, and crack down on piracy in a changing knowledge economy. As China transitioned from a late imperial system to a modern state, booksellers and publishers created and maintained their own economic rules and regulations when faced with the absence of an effective legal framework. Exploring how copyright was transplanted, adopted, and practiced, Pirates and Publishers demonstrates the pivotal roles of those who produce and circulate knowledge.
-
-- ![](bib:c9dec901-1a26-4cff-bdc7-482a85bf0eb8)
+Low Power to the People: Pirates, Protest, and Politics in FM Radio Activism
+Authors: Christina Dunbar-Hester
+Publisher: MIT Press
+Series: Inside Technology
+Year: 2014
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/8cc5ce44-31e5-4e58-b6c6-66d5c5e21c78
 
 > The United States ushered in a new era of small-scale broadcasting in 2000 when it began issuing low-power FM (LPFM) licenses for noncommercial radio stations around the country. Over the next decade, several hundred of these newly created low-wattage stations took to the airwaves. In Low Power to the People, Christina Dunbar-Hester describes the practices of an activist organization focused on LPFM during this era. Despite its origins as a pirate broadcasting collective, the group eventually shifted toward building and expanding regulatory access to new, licensed stations. These radio activists consciously cast radio as an alternative to digital utopianism, promoting an understanding of electronic media that emphasizes the local community rather than a global audience of Internet users.Dunbar-Hester focuses on how these radio activists impute emancipatory politics to the "old" medium of radio technology by promoting the idea that "microradio" broadcasting holds the potential to empower ordinary people at the local community level. The group's methods combine political advocacy with a rare commitment to hands-on technical work with radio hardware, although the activists' hands-on, inclusive ethos was hampered by persistent issues of race, class, and gender. Dunbar-Hester's study of activism around an "old" medium offers broader lessons about how political beliefs are expressed through engagement with specific technologies. It also offers insight into contemporary issues in media policy that is particularly timely as the FCC issues a new round of LPFM licenses.
-
-
-- ![](bib:c6c99967-d9f0-430a-be28-37552d72bcf5)
+Title: Creativity and Its Discontents: China's Creative Industries and Intellectual Property Rights Offenses
+Authors: Laikwan Pang
+Publisher: Duke University Press
+Year: 2012
+https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/70653f2d-22b6-4496-be92-05ea7d449ad0
 
 > Creativity and Its Discontents is a sharp critique of the intellectual property rights (IPR)–based creative economy, particularly as it is embraced or ignored in China. Laikwan Pang argues that the creative economy—in which creativity is an individual asset to be commodified and protected as property—is an intensification of Western modernity and capitalism at odds with key aspects of Chinese culture. Nevertheless, globalization has compelled China to undertake endeavors involving intellectual property rights. Pang examines China's IPR-compliant industries, as well as its numerous copyright violations. She describes how China promotes intellectual property rights in projects such as the development of cultural tourism in the World Heritage city of Lijiang, the transformation of Hong Kong cinema, and the cultural branding of Beijing. Meanwhile, copyright infringement proliferates, angering international trade organizations. Pang argues that piracy and counterfeiting embody the intimate connection between creativity and copying. She points to the lack of copyright protections for Japanese anime as the motor of China's dynamic anime culture. Theorizing the relationship between knockoffs and appropriation art, Pang offers an incisive interpretation of China's flourishing art scene. Creativity and Its Discontents is a refreshing rejoinder to uncritical celebrations of the creative economy.
 
-# On the concept of civil disobedience
+# On the concept of Civil Disobedience
 
-- ![](bib:d5bf7586-9cc4-401c-bc2d-5ff6912a71d6)
+Beyond Doing Good: Civil Disobedience as Design Pedagogy
+Authors: Hannah Rose Mendoza
+Publisher: The MIT Press
+Year: 2011
 
+
+In Praise of Disobedience: The Soul of Man Under Socialism and Other Works
+Authors: Oscar Wilde
+Publisher: Verso
+Year: 2018
 > Works of Wilde's annus mirabilis of 1891 in one volume, with an introduction by renowned British playwright. In Praise of Disobedience draw on works from a single miraculous year in which Oscar Wilde published the larger part of his greatest works in prose — the year he came into maturity as an artist. Before the end of 1891, he had written the first of his phenomenally successful plays and met the young man who would win his heart, beginning the love affair that would lead to imprisonment and public infamy. In a witty introduction, playwright, novelist and Wilde scholar Neil Bartlett explains what made this point in the writer's life central to his genius and why Wilde remains a provocative and radical figure to this day.
 
-- ![](bib:680ba10d-56a7-4fa0-892d-e277e5c8e36c)
+Carl Cohen. “Seven Arguments Against Civil Disobedience”. Chapter 6, Civil Disobedience: Conscience, Tactics, and the Law. New York: Columbia University Press, 1971. 
 
-- ![](bib:828726d9-4ea6-42c3-baab-1a4f3e41ed8a)
+Critical Art Ensamble. Electronic Civil Disobedience and Other Unpopular Ideas. 1995.
 
-- ![](bib:804e7087-28ce-41ff-92be-e3c899a73c08)
+Hannah Arendt. “Civil Disobedience” , in Crises of the Republic: Lying in Politics, Civil Disobedience, on Violence, Thoughts on Politics and Revolution. HMH, 1972.
 
-> “Civil Disobedience” examines various opposition movements, from the Freedom Riders to the war resisters to the segregationists.
+> “Civil Disobedience” examines various opposition movements, from the Freedom Riders to the war resisters to the segregationists. 
 
-- ![](772f6dd9-1dbd-4725-9c0f-56ab2e038514)
 
-> What are our responsibilities in the face of injustice? How far should we go to fight it? Many would argue that as long as a state is nearly just, citizens have a moral duty to obey the law. Proponents of civil disobedience generally hold that, given this moral duty, a person needs a solid justification to break the law. But activists from Henry David Thoreau and Mohandas Gandhi to the Movement for Black Lives have long recognized that there are times when, rather than having a duty to obey the law, we have a duty to disobey it. Taking seriously the history of this activism, A Duty to Resist wrestles with the problem of political obligation in real world societies that harbor injustice. Candice Delmas argues that the duty of justice, the principle of fairness, the Samaritan duty, and political association impose responsibility to resist under conditions of injustice. We must expand political obligation to include a duty to resist unjust laws and social conditions even in legitimate states. For Delmas, this duty to resist demands principled disobedience, and such disobedience need not always be civil. At times, covert, violent, evasive, or offensive acts of lawbreaking can be justified, even required. Delmas defends the viability and necessity of illegal assistance to undocumented migrants, leaks of classified information, distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attacks, sabotage, armed self-defense, guerrilla art, and other modes of resistance. There are limits: principle alone does not justify law breaking. But uncivil disobedience can sometimes be not only permissible but required in the effort to resist injustice.
+A Duty to Resist: When Disobedience Should Be Uncivil
+Authors: Candice Delmas
+Publisher: Oxford University Press
+Year: 2018 
+> What are our responsibilities in the face of injustice? How far should we go to fight it? Many would argue that as long as a state is nearly just, citizens have a moral duty to obey the law. Proponents of civil disobedience generally hold that, given this moral duty, a person needs a solid justification to break the law. But activists from Henry David Thoreau and Mohandas Gandhi to the Movement for Black Lives have long recognized that there are times when, rather than having a duty to obey the law, we have a duty to disobey it. 
+Taking seriously the history of this activism, A Duty to Resist wrestles with the problem of political obligation in real world societies that harbor injustice. Candice Delmas argues that the duty of justice, the principle of fairness, the Samaritan duty, and political association impose responsibility to resist under conditions of injustice. We must expand political obligation to include a duty to resist unjust laws and social conditions even in legitimate states. For Delmas, this duty to resist demands principled disobedience, and such disobedience need not always be civil. At times, covert, violent, evasive, or offensive acts of lawbreaking can be justified, even required. Delmas defends the viability and necessity of illegal assistance to undocumented migrants, leaks of classified information, distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attacks, sabotage, armed self-defense, guerrilla art, and other modes of resistance. There are limits: principle alone does not justify law breaking. But uncivil disobedience can sometimes be not only permissible but required in the effort to resist injustice. 
 
-- ![](bib:9598a81f-cc5e-4800-80c9-76b165f5eded)
+Civil Disobedience: Protest, Justification and the Law
+Authors: Tony Milligan
+Publisher: Bloomsbury Academic
+Year: 2013
+> Civil disobedience is a form of protest with a special standing with regards to the law that sets it apart from political violence. Such principled law-breaking has been witnessed in recent years over climate change, economic strife, and the treatment of animals. Civil disobedience is examined here in the context of contemporary political activism, in the light of classic accounts by Thoreau, Tolstoy, and Gandhi to call for a broader attitude towards what civil disobedience involves. The question of violence is discussed, arguing that civil disobedience need only be aspirationally non-violent and that although some protests do not clearly constitute law-breaking they may render people liable to arrest. For example, while there may not be violence against persons, there may be property damage, as seen in raids upon animal laboratories. Such forms of militancy raise ethical and legal questions.
+Arguing for a less restrictive theory of civil disobedience, the book will be a valuable resource for anyone studying social movements and issues of political philosophy, social justice, and global ethics.
 
-> Civil disobedience is a form of protest with a special standing with regards to the law that sets it apart from political violence. Such principled law-breaking has been witnessed in recent years over climate change, economic strife, and the treatment of animals. Civil disobedience is examined here in the context of contemporary political activism, in the light of classic accounts by Thoreau, Tolstoy, and Gandhi to call for a broader attitude towards what civil disobedience involves. The question of violence is discussed, arguing that civil disobedience need only be aspirationally non-violent and that although some protests do not clearly constitute law-breaking they may render people liable to arrest. For example, while there may not be violence against persons, there may be property damage, as seen in raids upon animal laboratories. Such forms of militancy raise ethical and legal questions. Arguing for a less restrictive theory of civil disobedience, the book will be a valuable resource for anyone studying social movements and issues of political philosophy, social justice, and global ethics.
+Civil Disobedience
+Authors: William E. Scheuerman
+Publisher: Polity
+Year: 2018
+> What is civil disobedience? Although Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King helped to bring the idea to prominence, even today it remains unclear how we should best understand civil disobedience. Why have so many different activists and intellectuals embraced it, and to what ends? Is civil disobedience still politically relevant in today's hyper-connected world? Does it make sense, for example, to describe Edward Snowden's actions, or those of recent global movements like Occupy, as falling under this rubric? If so, how must it adapt to respond to the challenges of digitalization and globalization and the rise of populist authoritarianism in the West? 
+In this elegantly written introductory text, William E. Scheuerman systematically analyzes the most important interpretations of civil disobedience. Drawing out the striking differences separating religious, liberal, radical democratic, and anarchist views, he nonetheless shows that core commonalities remain. Against those who water down the idea of civil disobedience or view it as obsolescent, Scheuerman successfully salvages its central elements. The concept of civil disobedience, he argues, remains a pivotal tool for anyone hoping to bring about political and social change.
 
-- ![](bib:051c08bf-9f7e-44bf-895c-17ca89861f53)
+Act Up. Civil Disobedience Training Manual. 
 
-> What is civil disobedience? Although Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King helped to bring the idea to prominence, even today it remains unclear how we should best understand civil disobedience. Why have so many different activists and intellectuals embraced it, and to what ends? Is civil disobedience still politically relevant in today's hyper-connected world? Does it make sense, for example, to describe Edward Snowden's actions, or those of recent global movements like Occupy, as falling under this rubric? If so, how must it adapt to respond to the challenges of digitalization and globalization and the rise of populist authoritarianism in the West?  In this elegantly written introductory text, William E. Scheuerman systematically analyzes the most important interpretations of civil disobedience. Drawing out the striking differences separating religious, liberal, radical democratic, and anarchist views, he nonetheless shows that core commonalities remain. Against those who water down the idea of civil disobedience or view it as obsolescent, Scheuerman successfully salvages its central elements. The concept of civil disobedience, he argues, remains a pivotal tool for anyone hoping to bring about political and social change.
-
-- ![ACT UP: Civil Disobedience Training](bib:82e540be-001b-4ed0-85c8-d95e5d46368d)
-
-- ![](bib:6e233320-d55d-413c-b20e-024eb1367ee4)
 
+Occupy: Three Inquiries in Disobedience
+Authors: W. J. T. Mitchell, Bernard E. Harcourt, Michael Taussig
+Publisher: University of Chicago Press
+Year: 2013
 > Mic check! Mic check! Lacking amplification in Zuccotti Park, Occupy Wall Street protestors addressed one another by repeating and echoing speeches throughout the crowd. In Occupy, W. J. T. Mitchell, Bernard E. Harcourt, and Michael Taussig take the protestors’ lead and perform their own resonant call-and-response, playing off of each other in three essays that engage the extraordinary Occupy movement that has swept across the world, examining everything from self-immolations in the Middle East to the G8 crackdown in Chicago to the many protest signs still visible worldwide. “You break through the screen like Alice in Wonderland,” Taussig writes in the opening essay, “and now you can’t leave or do without it.” Following Taussig’s artful blend of participatory ethnography and poetic meditation on Zuccotti Park, political and legal scholar Harcourt examines the crucial difference between civil and political disobedience. He shows how by effecting the latter—by rejecting the very discourse and strategy of politics—Occupy Wall Street protestors enacted a radical new form of protest. Finally, media critic and theorist Mitchell surveys the global circulation of Occupy images across mass and social media and looks at contemporary works by artists such as Antony Gormley and how they engage the body politic, ultimately examining the use of empty space itself as a revolutionary monument.   Occupy stands not as a primer on or an authoritative account of 2011’s revolutions, but as a snapshot, a second draft of history, beyond journalism and the polemics of the moment—an occupation itself.
 
-- ![](bib:ec95c74f-4208-4173-991c-d21966cf03b6)
-
+Art, Disobedience, and Ethics: The Adventure of Pedagogy
+Authors: Dennis Atkinson
+Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan
+Year: 2017
 > This book explores art practice and learning as processes that break new ground, through which new perceptions of self and world emerge. Examining art practice in educational settings where emphasis is placed upon a pragmatics of the ‘suddenly possible’, Atkinson looks at the issues of ethics, aesthetics, and politics of learning and teaching. These learning encounters drive students beyond the security of established patterns of learning into new and modified modes of thinking, feeling, seeing, and making.
 
-- ![](bib:88ba2dab-625d-42f8-8285-771b7bb2944f)
-
+Cyber Disobedience
+Authors: Jeff Shantz
+Publisher: John Hunt Publishing
+Year: 2014
 > Few activities have captured the contemporary popular imagination as hacking and online activism, from Anonymous and beyond. Few political ideas have gained more notoriety recently than anarchism. Yet both remain misunderstood and much maligned. /Cyber Disobedience/ provides the most engaging and detailed analysis of online civil disobedience and anarchism today.
 
 
-- ![](bib:d9bbe6a1-210e-4894-95fe-8979240b37fa)
 
+The Coming Swarm: DDOS Actions, Hacktivism, and Civil Disobedience on the Internet
+Authors: Molly Sauter
+Publisher: Bloomsbury Academic
+Year: 2014
 > What is Hacktivism? In The Coming Swarm, Molly Sauter examines the history, development, theory, and practice of distributed denial of service actions as a tactic of political activism. The internet is a vital arena of communication, self expression, and interpersonal organizing. When there is a message to convey, words to get out, or people to unify, many will turn to the internet as a theater for that activity. As familiar and widely accepted activist tools-petitions, fundraisers, mass letter-writing, call-in campaigns and others-find equivalent practices in the online space, is there also room for the tactics of disruption and civil disobedience that are equally familiar from the realm of street marches, occupations, and sit-ins? With a historically grounded analysis, and a focus on early deployments of activist DDOS as well as modern instances to trace its development over time, The Coming Swarm uses activist DDOS actions as the foundation of a larger analysis of the practice of disruptive civil disobedience on the internet.
 
+Walden and on the Duty of Civil Disobedience
+Authors: Henry David Thoreau
+Publisher: Emereo
+Year: 2012
+> Encompassing aspects of autobiography, spiritual treatise, political declaration, and historical commentary, Henry David Thoreaus Walden is one of the classic greats to be revisited by all audiences as an example of achievement in both breadth and beauty. Thoreau masterfully blends his personal opinions on topics from economy and education with elegant prose describing his peaceful paradise at Walden. Walden makes the rare presentation of an idealist viewpoint in a far from ideal world. 
 
-- ![](bib:682588f6-b42a-4e65-89ab-c234096b1f18)
-
-> Encompassing aspects of autobiography, spiritual treatise, political declaration, and historical commentary, Henry David Thoreaus Walden is one of the classic greats to be revisited by all audiences as an example of achievement in both breadth and beauty. Thoreau masterfully blends his personal opinions on topics from economy and education with elegant prose describing his peaceful paradise at Walden. Walden makes the rare presentation of an idealist viewpoint in a far from ideal world.
-
-- ![](bib:d78c7a2b-7eb4-441e-a567-58464dba15ca)
-
+Civil Disobedience in Focus
+Authors: Hugo Adam Bedau
+Publisher: Routledge
+Year: 1991
 > Although the issue of civil disobedience has been discussed as early as 399 B.C., this topic continues to be at the center of much recent debate in the wake of events such as Tiananmen Square and the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa. "Civil Disobedience in" "Focus" assembles all the basic materials, both classic and contemporary, needed for the philosophical assessment of this controversial subject. The first part of this work explores the three most influential classic arguments: Plato in the "Crito," Thoreau in the 1840s, and Martin Luther King, Jr. in the 1960s. The second part of this book shifts to a contemporary philosophical discussion setting forth the most important reflections by a number of today's leading thinkers. Included is John Rawls's definition and justification of civil disobedience in liberal democracy which has provoked much dicussion. The other essays, written by contemporary British and American thinkers, bring into sharp relief the issues -- conceptual, normative, and political -- raised in the classic arguments. A stimulating edition, "Civil Disobedience in" "Focus" will be invaluable to students of ethics, social/political philosophy, and philosophy of law, as well as to activists.
+
+

content/session/piratecareinreferences.md

@@ -3,79 +3,54 @@ title: "Pirate Care In References"
 ---
 
 # Texts
-* Valeria Graziano, Marcell Mars, Tomislav Medak: "Local Maximum: On Popular Technical Pedagogy", in *Artistic Ecologies: New Compasses And Tools*, eds. Emily Pethic, Pablo Martinez and What, how & for Whom, Sternberg Press, 2022, p. 118-131.
+* [Valeria Graziano, Marcell Mars, Tomislav Medak "Flatten the Curve, Grow the Care", contribution to Arts Catalyst's "The server is down, the bridge washes out, there is a power blackout", in *Journal of Visual Cultures/Harun Farocki Institut*, August 26, 2020](https://www.harun-farocki-institut.org/en/2020/08/26/the-server-is-down-the-bridge-washes-out-there-is-a-power-blackout-journal-of-visual-culture-hafi-39-2/)
+* [Valeria Graziano, Marcell Mars, Tomislav Medak: "Care and Its Discontents", New Alphabet School, June 7, 2020](https://newalphabetschool.hkw.de/care-and-its-discontents/)
 
-* Valeria Graziano, Marcell Mars, Tomislav Medak: "When Care Needs Piracy: The Case for Disobedience in Struggles against Imperial Property Regimes", in *Soundings*, no. 77 (April 1, 2021), p. 55–70.
+* [Valeria Graziano, Marcell Mars, Tomislav Medak: "Pirate Care", Artforum, May 11, 2020](https://www.artforum.com/slant/valeria-graziano-marcell-mars-and-tomlsav-medak-on-the-care-crisis-83037)
 
-* Valeria Graziano and Tomislav Medak: "Fragilità, cura e azione politica", in Dialoghi sulll pandemia: Crisi, riproduzione, lotte, ad. Ecologia Politica Network, red star press, 2021, p. 187-196.
-
-* [Pirate Care: "Care in a techno-capitalist world", *Ding! - A magazine for the Internet and other things*, #3, December 16, 2020.](https://dingdingding.org/issue-3/care-in-a-techno-capitalist-world/)
-
-* [Valeria Graziano, Marcell Mars, Tomislav Medak: "Flatten the Curve, Grow the Care", contribution to Arts Catalyst's "The server is down, the bridge washes out, there is a power blackout", in *Journal of Visual Cultures/Harun Farocki Institut*, August 26, 2020.](https://www.harun-farocki-institut.org/en/2020/08/26/the-server-is-down-the-bridge-washes-out-there-is-a-power-blackout-journal-of-visual-culture-hafi-39-2/)
-
-* [Valeria Graziano, Marcell Mars, Tomislav Medak: "Care and Its Discontents", New Alphabet School, June 7, 2020.](https://newalphabetschool.hkw.de/care-and-its-discontents/)
-
-* [Valeria Graziano, Marcell Mars, Tomislav Medak: "Pirate Care", Artforum, May 11, 2020.](https://www.artforum.com/slant/valeria-graziano-marcell-mars-and-tomlsav-medak-on-the-care-crisis-83037)
-
-* [Valeria Graziano, Marcell Mars, Tomislav Medak: "Against the Crisis", Kunsthalle Wien.](https://kunsthallewien.at/en/pirate-care-gegen-die-krise/)
+* [Valeria Graziano, Marcell Mars, Tomislav Medak: "Against the Crisis", Kunsthalle Wien](https://kunsthallewien.at/en/pirate-care-gegen-die-krise/)
 
 
 # Interviews
 
-* [Tomislav Medak: "Neoliberalna bajanja ostat će neduhovita šala", interviewed by Ivana Perić, H-Alter, March 23, 2020.](http://www.h-alter.org/vijesti/neoliberalna-bajanja-ostat-ce-neduhovita-sala)
+* [Tomislav Medak: "Neoliberalna bajanja ostat će neduhovita šala", interviewed by Ivana Perić, H-Alter, March 23, 2020](http://www.h-alter.org/vijesti/neoliberalna-bajanja-ostat-ce-neduhovita-sala)
 
-* [Pirate Care: "Taking Care of Unconditional Solidarity", interviewed by Hana Sirovica, Kulturpunkt.hr, March 8, 2020.](https://www.kulturpunkt.hr/content/taking-care-unconditional-solidarity)
+* [Pirate Care: "Taking Care of Unconditional Solidarity", interviewed by Hana Sirovica, Kulturpunkt.hr, March 8, 2020](https://www.kulturpunkt.hr/content/taking-care-unconditional-solidarity)
 
-* [Pirate Care: "Njegovati bezuvjetnu solidarnost", interviewed by Hana Sirovica, Kulturpunkt.hr, March 6, 2020.](https://www.kulturpunkt.hr/content/njegovati-bezuvjetnu-solidarnost)
+* [Pirate Care: "Njegovati bezuvjetnu solidarnost", interviewed by Hana Sirovica, Kulturpunkt.hr, March 6, 2020](https://www.kulturpunkt.hr/content/njegovati-bezuvjetnu-solidarnost)
 
+# Talks, podcasts & videos 
 
-# Talks, podcasts & videos
-* [Acud macht neu & Collective Practices feat. Pirate Care: "Disobedient Chains of Care", a panel with Katalin Erdödi, Dora Bolfa, Flavia Matei.](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ihYZHWgca6A&feature=emb_title)
+* [CRIC - Festival of Critical Culture: "Of Fragility, Disposability, Brittleness: Capitalist Abandonment and Care", a talk by Tomislav Medak, June 25, 2020](https://www.facebook.com/watch/live/?v=198771758084988&ref=watch_permalink)
 
-* [CRIC - Festival of Critical Culture: "Of Fragility, Disposability, Brittleness: Capitalist Abandonment and Care", a talk by Tomislav Medak, June 25, 2020.](https://www.facebook.com/watch/live/?v=198771758084988&ref=watch_permalink)
+* [RadicalXChange conference: "Caring as an Act of Resistance, a panel with Cassie Thornton, Tomislav Medak and Elsa James, moderated by Marc Garrett, June 19, 2020](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eF8Yd0ELqDI)
 
-* [RadicalXChange conference: "Caring as an Act of Resistance, a panel with Cassie Thornton, Tomislav Medak and Elsa James, moderated by Marc Garrett, June 19, 2020.](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eF8Yd0ELqDI)
+* [Aksioma: Tactics and Practice / MoneyLab 8: "Care: Solidarity and Disobedience", a panel with Cassie Thornton, Tomislav Medak and Maddalena Fragnito, moderated by Davor Mišković, June 1, 2020](https://aksioma.org/moneylab8/)
 
-* [Aksioma: Tactics and Practice / MoneyLab 8: "Care: Solidarity and Disobedience", a panel with Cassie Thornton, Tomislav Medak and Maddalena Fragnito, moderated by Davor Mišković, June 1, 2020.](https://aksioma.org/moneylab8/)
+* [Kunsthalle Wien: “Pirate Care”, a talk by Valeria Graziano, Marcell Mars and Tomislav Medak, moderated by Andrea Hubin (KW), May 14, 2020](https://kunsthallewien.at/en/event/pirate-care-ein-talk-mit-valeria-graziano-marcell-mars-and-tomislav-medak/)
 
-* [Kunsthalle Wien: “Pirate Care”, a talk by Valeria Graziano, Marcell Mars and Tomislav Medak, moderated by Andrea Hubin (KW), May 14, 2020.](https://kunsthallewien.at/en/event/pirate-care-ein-talk-mit-valeria-graziano-marcell-mars-and-tomislav-medak/)
+* [Venice Climate Camp, Webinar “Covid19 e crisi climatica”, with POE (Politics, Ontologies and Ecology); Raul Zibechi; Enrique Leff; Elena Gerebizza (Re:Common); Stefania Barca; Valeria Graziano e Tomislav Medak (Pirate Care); Shell Must Fall and Ende Gelände, May 2, 2020](https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLdvH4tPHvBJ-gY_m9rAacAGOBDJ-8csQc)
 
-* [Venice Climate Camp, Webinar “Covid19 e crisi climatica”, with POE (Politics, Ontologies and Ecology); Raul Zibechi; Enrique Leff; Elena Gerebizza (Re:Common); Stefania Barca; Valeria Graziano e Tomislav Medak (Pirate Care); Shell Must Fall and Ende Gelände, May 2, 2020.](https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLdvH4tPHvBJ-gY_m9rAacAGOBDJ-8csQc)
+* [Podcast with Valeria Graziano & Kitty Worthing (Docs not Cops), Global Staffroom Lunchtime Live Podcast | Manual Labours, April 27, 2020](http://www.manuallabours.co.uk/todo/the-global-staffroom/) [Soundcloud](https://soundcloud.com/sophiehope-1/global-staffroom-270420-with-pirate-care-and-docs-not-cops)
 
-* [Podcast with Valeria Graziano & Kitty Worthing (Docs not Cops), Global Staffroom Lunchtime Live Podcast | Manual Labours, April 27, 2020.](http://www.manuallabours.co.uk/todo/the-global-staffroom/) [Soundcloud](https://soundcloud.com/sophiehope-1/global-staffroom-270420-with-pirate-care-and-docs-not-cops)
+* [Discussion by Pirate.Care, with Emina Bužnikić, Iva Marčetić and Ana Vilenica, Versopolis Review - Festival of Hope, April 27, 2020](https://www.versopolis.com/festival-of-hope/festival-of-hope/913/pirate-care-and-the-covid-19-pandemic)
 
-* [Discussion by Pirate.Care, with Emina Bužnikić, Iva Marčetić and Ana Vilenica, Versopolis Review - Festival of Hope, April 27, 2020.](https://www.versopolis.com/festival-of-hope/festival-of-hope/913/pirate-care-and-the-covid-19-pandemic), available also as an [e-book](https://www.versopolis.com/multimedia/ebook/1009/what-was-happening-here-was-never-normal-anyway#ebook)
-
-* [Valeria Graziano: Pirate Care, Disruptive Fridays #3, April 17, 2020.](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=stTpVTQFuKQ&feature=youtu.be)
-
-* [Valeria Graziano: Pirate Care, Radio Roža, February, 2020.](https://www.mixcloud.com/RadioRo%C5%BEa/prilog-pirate-care/)
+* [Valeria Graziano: Pirate Care, Disruptive Fridays #3, April 17, 2020](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=stTpVTQFuKQ&feature=youtu.be)
 
+* [Valeria Graziano: Pirate Care, Radio Roža, February, 2020](https://www.mixcloud.com/RadioRo%C5%BEa/prilog-pirate-care/)
 
 # Discussed or referenced
+* [The Radical Housing Jounral Editorial Collective: "Covid-19 and housing struggles: The (re)makings of austerity, disaster capitalism, and the no return to normal"](https://radicalhousingjournal.org/2020/covid-19-and-housing-struggles/)
 
-*  [Lujo Parežanin: "Kritička i strastvena obrana institucija", *Kulturpunkt*, October 20, 2022.](https://www.kulturpunkt.hr/content/kriticka-i-strastvena-obrana-institucija)
+* [Mercedes Bunz: "Contact Tracing Apps: Should we embrace Surveillance?", blog, April 29, 2020](https://mercedesbunz.net/2020/04/29/630/)
 
-*  [Daphne Dragona: "Commoning the Commons: Revisiting the Role of Art in Times of Crisis", in *Aesthetics of the Commons*, eds. Felix Stalder, Cornelia Sollfrank, and Shusha Niederberger, Diaphanes, 2021, p. 101-124.](https://www.diaphanes.net/titel/aesthetics-of-the-commons-6419)
+* [La vita oltre la pandemia, Non una di meno, blog, April 28, 2020](https://nonunadimeno.wordpress.com/2020/04/28/la-vita-oltre-la-pandemia/)
 
-*  [Gary Hall: "Postdigital Politics", in *Aesthetics of the Commons*, eds. Felix Stalder, Cornelia Sollfrank, and Shusha Niederberger, Diaphanes, 2021 p. 153-177.](https://www.diaphanes.net/titel/aesthetics-of-the-commons-6419)
+* [Josipa Lulić: "Kolektivna skrb: fragmenti za utopiju", Mreža antifašistikinja Zagreba, April 25, 2020](http://www.maz.hr/2020/04/25/kolektivna-skrb-fragmenti-za-utopiju-solidarnosti/)
 
-*  [iLiana Fokianaki: "The Bureau of Care: Introductory Notes on the Care-less and Care-full", *e-flux*, November 2020.](https://www.e-flux.com/journal/113/359463/the-bureau-of-care-introductory-notes-on-the-care-less-and-care-full/)
+* [The Care Collective: "COVID-19 pandemic: A Crisis of Care", Versobooks blog, March 26, 2020](https://www.versobooks.com/blogs/4617-covid-19-pandemic-a-crisis-of-care)
 
-* [Nick Thurston: "Profile: Pirate Care Syllabus", *Art Monthly*, 440, October 2020.](https://www.artmonthly.co.uk/magazine/site/issue/october-2020)
+* [What, How and for Whom: Kunsthalle Wien's Collective of Artistic Directors, in conversation with
+Mirela Baciak, Ocula, March 13, 2020](https://ocula.com/magazine/conversations/what-how-for-whom-kunsthalle-wiens-collective/)
 
-* ["Feminist Finance Syllabus", Amateur Cities and the Institute of Network Cultures, 2020.](https://networkcultures.org/blog/publication/feminist-finance-syllabus/)
-
-* [The Radical Housing Journal Editorial Collective: "Covid-19 and housing struggles: The (re)makings of austerity, disaster capitalism, and the no return to normal".](https://radicalhousingjournal.org/2020/covid-19-and-housing-struggles/)
-
-* [Mercedes Bunz: "Contact Tracing Apps: Should we embrace Surveillance?", blog, April 29, 2020.](https://mercedesbunz.net/2020/04/29/630/)
-
-* [La vita oltre la pandemia, Non una di meno, blog, April 28, 2020.](https://nonunadimeno.wordpress.com/2020/04/28/la-vita-oltre-la-pandemia/)
-
-* [Josipa Lulić: "Kolektivna skrb: fragmenti za utopiju", Mreža antifašistikinja Zagreba, April 25, 2020.](http://www.maz.hr/2020/04/25/kolektivna-skrb-fragmenti-za-utopiju-solidarnosti/)
-
-* [The Care Collective: "COVID-19 pandemic: A Crisis of Care", Versobooks blog, March 26, 2020.](https://www.versobooks.com/blogs/4617-covid-19-pandemic-a-crisis-of-care)
-
-* [What, How & for Whom: Kunsthalle Wien's Collective of Artistic Directors, in conversation with
-Mirela Baciak, Ocula, March 13, 2020.](https://ocula.com/magazine/conversations/what-how-for-whom-kunsthalle-wiens-collective)
-
-* [Hana Sirovica: "Piratski, brižno, neposlušno", Kulturpunkt.hr, January 22, 2020](https://www.kulturpunkt.hr/content/njegovati-bezuvjetnu-solidarnost)
+* [Hana Sirovica: "Piratski, brižno, neposlušno", Kulturpunkt.hr, January 22, 2020](https://www.kulturpunkt.hr/content/njegovati-bezuvjetnu-solidarnost)

content/session/piratecentralmediterranean.md

@@ -7,17 +7,17 @@ title: "Pirates of the Central Mediterranean"
 
 # Session 1: Pirates of the Central Mediterranean
 
-## Introduction
+**Introduction**
 
 The European states have created a zone at their margins, where all their proclaimed values, their human and civil rights are suspended: A state of exception that reduces the sea to a weapon, people to bargaining chips - and the fluid southern border of the European Union to the deadliest migration route in the world. This is where activists organized to respond immediately in a solidary way. What can we learn from the brief history of thousands of years of migrations in the Mediterranean and that of six years of civil sea rescue?
 
-## Let’s learn together
+**Let’s learn together**
 
-### Step 1: Words we think with (30 mins)
+**Step 1: Words we think with (30 mins)**
 
 Hand out post-it papers (the bigger ones). Ask participants to write words or phrases that come to their mind for each of the following concepts: piracy, migration, duty to rescue, socially organized death, freedom of movement, humanitarian crisis, solidarity; one after another, giving them 3 minutes for each. Assemble papers by theme (concept), sticking them to a wall.
 
-### Step 2: Let’s watch and read (70 mins)
+**Step 2: Let’s watch and read (70 mins)**
 
 Participants read:
 
@@ -36,6 +36,7 @@ And watch the following videos:
 
 * https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MN8fjAjLLpg
 
-### Step 3: New meanings? (45-60 mins)
+**Step 3: New meanings? (45-60 mins)**
 
 Repeat the process from Step 1. Then look back at two sets of post-its (those made before reading and watching, and those made after); give participants 15-20 minutes to reflect and discuss these concepts and how their thinking about them has been changed by the reading, in small groups. Have the groups report to the full group (sitting in a circle if viable). Randomize who is speaking by using a speaking-ball, if viable. Let the speakers freely pass the ball to whomever wants to add on what is being said; moderate the discussion in terms of relevance but allow personal accounts if they happen.
+

content/session/psychiatryandcontrol.md

@@ -7,25 +7,27 @@ Here we want to explore some of the ways that the practice of psyciatry is conne
 # Recommended Reading
 
 - ![](bib:cf6f4028-19b4-4682-b2e1-42e970332804) (Chapter 6, pages 232-234)
-  -	This excerpt from The Dispossessed focuses on the character Tirin, who either disagreed with society or fell mentally ill, or both. Bedak and Shevek discuss the asylum as a prison.
+  -	This excerpt from The Dispossessed focuses on the character Tirin, who either disagreed with society or fell mentally ill, or both. Bedak and Shevek discuss the asylum as a prison. 
 
 - ![](bib:5bfba5ae-c57f-4144-b3a5-4f35dbb34dee) (pg. 89-122)
-
-- [The Hiawatha Asylum](https://web.archive.org/web/20110711164717/http://www.hiawathadiary.com/HiawathaAsylum.html)
-  -	The story of the Hiawatha Asylum is one of few recorded examples of 'mental illness' being weaponized by colonizers to silence and inflict harm upon a population. In this case, indigenous people deemed insane, were kept at this facility in South Dakota with unasnitary and inhumane conditions, many not able to go outside.
+  
+- The Hiawatha Asylum
+  - https://web.archive.org/web/20110711164717/http://www.hiawathadiary.com/HiawathaAsylum.html
+  -	The story of the Hiawatha Asylum is one of few recorded examples of 'mental illness' being weaponized by colonizers to silence and inflict harm upon a population. In this case, indigenous people deemed insane, were kept at this facility in South Dakota with unasnitary and inhumane conditions, many not able to go outside. 
 
 - ![](bib:515d5634-ea21-41aa-92ff-b82d5db8a5e1)
-  - This short and straightforward zine poses some somatic exercises to help us better connect with our bodies while under stress, or in the difficult situations we might find ourselves in when we live in this sick world.
-
+  - This short and straightforward zine poses some somatic exercises to help us better connect with our bodies while under stress, or in the difficult situations we might find ourselves in when we live in this sick world. 
+	
 # Further Reading
 
-- [Rest for Resistance](https://restforresistance.com/)
+- https://restforresistance.com/zine/resting-in-unsafe-spaces
   - Rest for Resistance is a collective of seven trans people of color organizing to uplift marginalized communities that rarely get access to adequate healthcare and support. They published this essay by Ky Peterson, a black trans man currently incarcerated for defending himself against a violent attacker. It looks at the value of rest in an unsafe space.
 
-- [CAHOOTS](https://whitebirdclinic.org/cahoots/)
-
+- CAHOOTS
+  - https://whitebirdclinic.org/cahoots/
+	
 - ![](bib:f324029c-6523-450d-b3b5-dfa8608ebed1)
-
+  
 # Discussion
 
 - The Dispossessed poses an image of an anarcho-syndicalist society, with all its beauty and its setbacks. There are no prisons, and in the absense of a formal court system, social ostracization is powerful. What is your opinion of Tirin's fate? What do you think about the prospect of abolishing the asylum and the prison altogether? How might questions of 'mental illness' be negotiated in a society without incarcertion or institutionalization?

content/session/radicalredistribution.md

@@ -5,7 +5,7 @@ title: "Radical Redistribution"
 # Our everyday use of time, material conditions of our activities, rethinking value(s)
 ![](static/topic/commoningcare/radicalredistribution/a_disroot_homepage_on_weekends.png)
 
-This workshop aims to visualize our everyday use of time; to analyze the material condition of our activities; and, finally, to rethink what are the value and values that those activities bring to the whole context.
+This workshop aims to visualize our everyday use of time; to analyze the material condition of our activities; and, finally, to rethink what are the value and values that those activities bring to the whole context. 
 This workshop can be conceived as a stand-alone session, however, we suggest to take a second collective moment in order to organize the workshop ![](session:unproductiveresistance.md).
 
 ## Timing
@@ -26,7 +26,7 @@ Tables, Chairs, Pen, Print-outs of [Map 2-1](/topic/commoningcare/radicalredistr
 
 ## Step 1: Introduction
 
-Ask participants to introduce themselves and to answer the following questions (8 minutes each):
+Ask participants to introduce themselves and to answer the following questions (8 minutes each):  
 - How many hours do you work per day?
 - Thinking of your day, are there some activities that you consider to be work that are not considered as such?
 - If yes, are you able to quantify them in terms of time and fatigue (whether physical or emotional)?
@@ -58,11 +58,11 @@ Ask participants how they feel about the workshop and to imagine collective stra
 # Bibliography
 
 - ![](bib:2a4d0e81-884f-442c-8727-2333fd10eb3a)
-- ![](bib:2a4d0e81-884f-442c-8727-2333fd10eb3a)
+- Crabb, R. L. The Abolition of Work. 1996.
 - ![](bib:db948c99-42cd-4a23-b995-e17105e481f1)
 - ![](bib:e57fa2af-d801-40b7-a112-d06af86eacd6)
 - ![](bib:dafe86d6-4377-43ac-b207-f1d13a535bba)
 - ![](bib:42076caf-7bff-4969-9c12-9e90c73f5cfa)
-- ![](bib:220bc8ec-e2f2-464d-a0d5-a1c328254d0a)
+- Aranda, Julieta, Brian Kuan Wood, and Anton Vidokle. Are You Working Too Much?: Post-Fordism, Precarity, and the Labor of Art. Sternberg Press, 2011.
 - ![](bib:6055c415-505b-4441-afcf-3b1c63077631)
-- ![](bib:26cebe4e-9de2-4e82-9835-ba193c693d1e)
+- Graeber, David. “On the Phenomenon of Bullshit Jobs.” STRIKE! Magazine, August 2013. Accessed June 7, 2014. http://www.strikemag.org/bullshit-jobs/

content/session/rentstruggles.md

@@ -4,11 +4,11 @@ title: "Rent Struggles"
 
 # What is the politics of rental relations?
 
-Rent. It arrives every month and it takes a portion of the value of our labour, handing it over to our landlord. Rent that is negotiated on the market is usually perceived as a question of two-way agreement between two actors in the market - landlord and a tenant. But renting a home is not the same as renting a bike or a yacht, and it should be a subject of strict regulation. States and local municipalities in some cases, enforce rent control that protects tenants against eviction and price increase. Market apologists argue against rent control by claiming that if the state and/or municipal administration push for the rent control, developers will not invest into new housing and therefore we will have a shortage. This, however, has never been proven true. As rent is taking up a large portion of our incomes, it is not surprising that tenant unions are one of the main forms of organizing. Because tenants usually don't live in the same place, organizing tenants calls for innovative tactics. In rent struggles, as our experience shows, it can prove a challenge to collectively secure something that is deemed the most fundamentally existential thing: a home. 
+Rent. It arrives every month and it takes a portion of the value of our labour, handing it over to our landlord. Rent that is negotiated on the market is usually perceived as a question of two-way agreement between two actors in the market - landlord and a tenant. But renting a home is not the same as renting a bike or a yacht, and it should be a subject of strict regulation. States and local municipalities in some cases, enforce rent control that protects tenants against eviction and price increase. Market apologists argue against rent control by claiming that if the state and/or municipal administration push for the rent control, developers will not invest into new housing and therefore we will have a shortage. This, however, has never been proven true. As rent is taking up a large portion of our incomes, it is not surprising that tenant unions are one of the main forms of organizing. Because tenants usually don't live in the same place, organizing tenants calls for innovative tactics. In rent struggles, as our experience shows, it can prove a challenge to collectively secure something that is deemed the most fundamentally existential thing: a home.
 
 ## Proposed resources
 
-- **Read the basic info about what we fight for when we fight for better tenant rights:** 
+- **Read the basic info about what we fight for when we fight for better tenant rights:**
     - ![](bib:1076eac2-ee29-40d1-b90d-88facc539c66)
     - ![](bib:3ac3912f-5eab-431a-9b6e-d4b714fade67)
 
@@ -19,4 +19,84 @@ Rent. It arrives every month and it takes a portion of the value of our labour,
 
 ## How to learn together
 
-Read the proposed articles and look into the proposed material before you come to the session. Create together a fictional story about a renter struggle. Create different characters and determine their roles in the overall narrative. You can use one of these deeply embodied typologies: estate agent, landlord, local government representative, tenant etc. Your story could tackle issues such as the history of rent struggle in Glasgow, a 30-minute meeting of renters facing eviction in the place where you come from, description of renters' protest set in the near future etc. Use the information from the reading resources. Write it up. Share your story with other Pirate Care Syllabus users. 
+Read the proposed articles and look into the proposed material before you come to the session. Create together a fictional story about a renter struggle. Create different characters and determine their roles in the overall narrative. You can use one of these deeply embodied typologies: estate agent, landlord, local government representative, tenant etc. Your story could tackle issues such as the history of rent struggle in Glasgow, a 30-minute meeting of renters facing eviction in the place where you come from, description of renters' protest set in the near future etc. Use the information from the reading resources. Write it up. Share your story with other Pirate Care Syllabus users.
+
+{{< raw >}}
+<div class="pagebreak" style="font-family: vg5000-regular,sans; font-size: 1rem; padding-top: 2rem; padding-bottom: 2rem; color: #996561">▒  ☠ ▒ ▒▒▒ ▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒ 🐟▒ ☄ ▒▒▒▒ ▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒</div>
+{{< /raw >}}
+
+# Amee Chew & Katie Goldstein: ‘Universal Rent Control Now’
+**In *Jacobin Magazine*, June 17, 2019.**
+
+Rent control is making a comeback. Across the country, tenants and housing justice organizers are taking on the mighty real estate lobby and its political allies through a powerful escalation of legislative and electoral activity. Oregon enacted a statewide rent cap in February. In Florida, Colorado, Illinois, and Nevada, state legislators introduced bills to lift bans against rent control. And in California, despite the defeat of Prop 10 — which would have allowed the expansion of rent control — another package of legislation has been introduced that would remove state-level restrictions on rent control, make eviction protections widespread, and prevent rent gouging.
+
+Chicago-area voters have voted overwhelmingly three times now for rent control, while in Novem­ber, the New York state senate flipped from red to blue largely on a “universal rent control” platform. Federally, Senator Elizabeth Warren has included incentives for localities to pass rent control in her new housing bill.
+
+We face the worst renter crisis in a generation. The market has never met the needs of low-income renters, and production is [increasingly](http://www.jchs.harvard.edu/sites/default/files/harvard_jchs_americas_rental_housing_2017_0.pdf) [geared](https://www.rentcafe.com/blog/rental-market/luxury-apartments/8-out-of-10-new-apartment-buildings-were-high-end-in-2017-trend-carries-on-into-2018/) at the luxury end. The largest corporate landlords have gained an [unprecedented share](https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/blog/who-owns-rental-properties-and-is-it-changing/) of rental properties, while the deregulation of Wall Street has fueled heightened speculation. In this context, big real estate has poured [tremendous funding](https://therealdeal.com/la/2018/10/31/landlords-and-investors-spent-millions-in-effort-to-defeat-prop-10/) into public relations campaigns that allege rent control hurts renters. But powerful tenant, community, and political organizing is pushing back and demanding housing policies that are accountable to tenants' needs.
+
+The Center for Popular Democracy, the Right to the City Alliance, and PolicyLink recently released a report, ["Our Homes, Our Future,"](https://ourhomesourfuture.org/) to highlight the critical importance of rent control. Our networks actively support tenant organizing across the country. In this report and through our affiliates' organizing, we demand that policymakers put human needs first.
+
+Rent control matches the size and urgency of the renter crisis. Few other policies can offer meaningful relief that is as quick and
+far-reaching. If rent control campaigns underway in six states and two cities succeed, [12.7 million](https://ourhomesourfuture.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/OurHomesOurFuture-2pg-Summary.pdf) renter households would be stabilized  — at little to no cost to government. If adopted nationally, [42 million](https://ourhomesourfuture.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/OurHomesOurFuture-2pg-Summary.pdf) households could be stabilized. Rent control operates by setting a predictable schedule for allowed rent increases, usually a maximum percentage. In cities where rent control already exists, it is often the [largest source](http://lghttp.58547.nexcesscdn.net/803F44A/images/nycss/images/uploads/pubs/Rent_Reg_Explainer_V6.pdf) of affordable housing. Strengthening and expanding rent control would help move us towards a more equitable, inclusive economy and society.
+
+Jacqueline Luther, a renter in Los Angeles, puts it this way: "We need stronger rent control, to live our best lives."
+
+{{< figure src="/images/is33-uneven-and-combined1.png" width="100%" title="Figure 1. Rent control laws by state." >}}
+
+**A Policy That Works**
+
+Rent control works — it effectively increases housing stability and affordability. It reaches those in need, [disproportionately](https://ourhomesourfuture.org/) [benefiting](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01944369008975755) [low-income](http://furmancenter.org/files/FurmanCenter_FactBrief_RentStabilization_June2014.pdf) [tenants](https://www.jstor.org/stable/3146080?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents), [people](https://www.jstor.org/stable/3146080?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents) [of](http://furmancenter.org/files/FurmanCenter_FactBrief_RentStabilization_June2014.pdf) [color](https://dornsife.usc.edu/assets/sites/242/docs/Rent_Matters_PERE_Report_Final_02.pdf), [immigrants](https://b.3cdn.net/nycss/6174637efe14b4c944_l2m6b8b6d.pdf), [seniors](https://www.cityofberkeley.info/uploadedFiles/Rent_Stabilization_Board/Level_3_-_General/Final%20Report%202009%20Tenant%20Survey.pdf), [women-headed](https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/0094119089900272)
+[households](https://www.cityofberkeley.info/uploadedFiles/Rent_Stabilization_Board/Level_3_-_General/Final%20Report%202009%20Tenant%20Survey.pdf), and those with disabilities. [The stronger](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01944360008976096) [and](https://www.cityofberkeley.info/uploadedFiles/Rent_Stabilization_Board/Level_3_-_General/Final%20Report%202009%20Tenant%20Survey.pdf) [more](https://scholar.oxy.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?referer=&httpsredir=1&article=1325&context=uep_faculty) universal controls are, the [better](https://www.smgov.net/uploadedFiles/Departments/Rent_Control/Reports/Annual_Reports/2017%20Annual%20Report%20FINAL.pdf) it is at helping the most marginalized.
+
+Rent control is first and foremost a tool that slows displacement. It helps alleviate the churn of forced moves and evictions that plague low-income tenants. It buys time for low-income communities of color under pressure from gentrification, by countering the displacement caused by rapidly rising rents — and importantly, here it is able to intervene rapidly, before it's too late. If we instead rely on new construction, which is [overwhelmingly](https://www.rentcafe.com/blog/rental-market/luxury-apartments/8-out-of-10-new-apartment-buildings-were-high-end-in-2017-trend-carries-on-into-2018/) geared at the luxury end, to "trickle down" to promote affordability, it will be too late.
+
+In "hot" housing markets like [San Francisco](https://web.stanford.edu/~diamondr/DMQ.pdf) and [New York City](https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1080/00420980500388710), few low-income households would remain in gentrifying areas were it not forrent control and public housing. As Phara Souffrant, a Caribbean-American resident of Brooklyn and leader in the Crown Heights Tenant Union says, "It's not just about the money. It's about having a ground to stand on."
+
+Immediately after Los Angeles adopted rent control, the share of renters who moved in the prior twelve months decreased by [37%](https://www.jstor.org/stable/3146080?&seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents), with the rates dropping most for black and Latino renters. In Manhattan, tenants in rent-regulated units were [ten times as likely](http://furmancenter.org/files/FurmanCenter_FactBrief_RentStabilization_June2014.pdf) as those in market-rate units to have lived in their homes for twenty years or more (35% compared with 3%). Similar results were seen after the Santa Monica passage of rent control.
+
+Yet in mainstream policy circles, stability as a vital benefit of rent control is neglected. Homeowners’ role in “anchoring” neighborhoods is typically celebrated. But for renters, economists have traditionally framed rent control’s success in improving housing stability as bad — a sign of “lack of mobility” and of “inefficiency” in the allocation of housing units.
+
+Yet for many low-income tenants, “mobility” isn’t a choice, but a violent process of displacement. In the words of Vaughn Armour, a black senior in Brooklyn and leader in New York Communities for Change’s campaign for universal rent control, “If I didn’t have rent-stabilized housing, I’d be in a shelter or in the street.”
+
+If rent control were expanded, the [majority](https://ourhomesourfuture.org/) of beneficiaries would be
+low-income. In [Los Angeles](https://www.jstor.org/stable/3146080?&seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents), low-inicome households, and black renters, gained the greatest savings after rent stabilization's passage. Rent control reaches low-income [immigrants](https://b.3cdn.net/nycss/6174637efe14b4c944_l2m6b8b6d.pdf) who are not eligible for government housing assistance. It helps slow
+the displacement of [families with children](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01944369008975755).
+
+When renters thrive, they lift up their communities. [Cost-savings](https://nationalequityatlas.org/sites/default/files/National-Fact-Sheet.pdf) on rent would give low-income renters more resources to spend, [boosting](https://ourhomesourfuture.org/) local economies. Stable, affordable housing would promote [better health](https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0190139), [educational](http://mcstudy.norc.org/publications/files/CohenandWardrip_2009.pdf) [out­comes](http://barhii.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/02/BARHII-displacement-brief.pdf), and [job retention](https://academic.oup.com/socpro/article-abstract/63/1/46/1844105?redirectedFrom=fulltext). It would foster [recovery](https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/26562123) from illness and be protective against [domestic](https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0886260511423241) [and sexual abuse](http://www.downtownwomenscenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/2016DowntownWomensNeedsAssessment-web.pdf). Whereas gentrification is linked to [decreased voter turnout](https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.0038-4941.2006.00371.x) among historically disenfranchised groups, stability would help enable strengthened social networks, community institutions, and democratic participation. "It's not just a renters' issue," says Adrian Leong, an organizer with the Chinese Progressive Association in San Francisco, who recognizes how vital low-income housing is to preserving Chinatown. "We all rely on rent control, to have a vibrant community."
+
+Rent control supports undervalued reproductive, domestic, and care labor that is vital to the fabric of society. “The type of work I did, you can’t make much money — you have to do it from your heart,” shared Gwendolyn Viola Fox Bibins, a social worker, active member of the Crown Heights Tenant Union, and Caribbean-American immigrant who has lived in the same Brooklyn home for thirty-five years. “A rent-stabilized apartment allowed me breathing space,” she says, and now despite her meager savings, it ensures a place to retire. Luther, a former foster-care youth, attained her Master’s in therapy while living in rent-stabilized housing. But her sister, not as lucky to find stabilized housing, was pushed into homelessness.
+
+{{< figure src="/images/is33-uneven-and-combined-2-611x1024.png" width="100%" title="Figure 2. Annual rent in Rent Stabilized and Non-Stabilized Units." >}}
+
+**On “Unintended Consequences”**
+
+The common argument against rent control goes like this: according to supply-side economics, any kind of rent regulation will dampen construction and supply. Thus, rent control’s opponents say, it will ultimately lead to a worse housing shortage, and hence, even higher rents, especially for uncontrolled units.
+
+Crucially, rent control does not, [on balance](https://dornsife.usc.edu/assets/sites/242/docs/Rent_Matters_PERE_Report_Final_02.pdf), cause rents in non–regulated units to increase. Rent control is not the driver of speculation, gentrification, or a housing shortage. In Massachusetts, California, and New Jersey, rent control slightly [improved](https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0094119006000635) [affordability](https://ideas.repec.org/p/fth/harver/1985.html) in noncontrolled units or had no [harmful effect](https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0264275115001122) on these rents. The [evidence](http://scholar.oxy.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1325&context=uep_faculty) shows it’s [lifting](https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0094119006000635) [or](https://www.cityofberkeley.info/uploadedFiles/Rent_Stabilization_Board/Level_3_-_General/Summary%20of%20Economic%20Studies%20Part%20I.pdf) [loosening](https://www.smgov.net/uploadedFiles/Departments/Rent_Control/Reports/Annual_Reports/2017%20Annual%20Report%20FINAL.pdf) rent control that fuels skyrocketing rents across the board.
+
+[Empirical](https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0264275115001122) [evidence](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1467-9906.2007.00334.x) shows that [rent control](https://www.sanjoseca.gov/DocumentCenter/View/55649) [does](https://books.google.com/books/about/Rent_Control.html?id=5AEWAQAAIAAJ) [not](https://books.google.com/books/about/Rent_Control.html?id=5AEWAQAAIAAJ) [hurt](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1467-9906.1996.tb00388.x?journalCode=ujua20) [housing](https://www.cityofberkeley.info/uploadedFiles/Rent_Stabilization_Board/Level_3_-_General/Berkeley_Rent_Control_1978-1994_1998_Planning_Dept_report.pdf) [construction](http://www.urbandisplacement.org/blog/rent-control-key-neighborhood-stabilization). In fact, the two can go hand-in-hand. Firstly, in the US rent controls don’t cover new construction anyway. But also, the housing market is more [complicated](http://dollarsandsense.org/archives/2019/0119barton.pdf) [than](http://haasinstitute.berkeley.edu/sites/default/files/haasinstitute_rentcontrol.pdf) Econ 101 theory — overall market conditions and zoning have far greater influence on construction. And whereas housing debates focus largely on private construction, there’s also the option of pairing rent control with massive *public* construction to turn housing shortages into surpluses by building public and social housing, at far greater speed than the private market.
+
+Rent control does not necessarily lead to declines in maintenance, either. While the research can appear ambiguous, it is important to distinguish improvements in buildings’ cosmetic appearance from functional maintenance that is critical to health and safety. When rent control is abolished or weakened, we’ve seen increased gentrification and the [cosmetic building improvements](https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0094119006000635) associated with it. However, [studies](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1467-9906.2007.00334.x) [show](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1467-9906.1996.tb00388.x?journalCode=ujua20) that rent control had no negative impact on plumbing, an indicator of functional maintenance, or on abandonment. In Washington DC, the share of physically deficient units *declined* after rent stabilization was implemented; and rent-controlled units were even less likely to be deficient than non-controlled units, despite the latter being more expensive.
+
+Many tenants report that rent control, combined with strong code enforcement, gives them the legal mechanisms and leverage to attain improved conditions – for example, by putting rent in escrow until landlords respond to repair demands. Without protection, tenants often fear asking for repairs, because eviction through rent increases can always be the retaliation.
+
+Opponents say that compared to means-tested subsidies, rent control is “inefficient” at helping the needy, because any tenant gains are canceled by landlord losses. But whereas the largest corporate landlords would hardly miss $1,000, this amount is significant for low-income households. Economists’ cost-benefit analyses, which only compare dollar amounts and not their human impact, ignore such distinctions. Nor do they typically include the costs to the government or public of [homelessness](https://endhomelessness.org/resource/ending-chronic-homelessness-saves-taxpayers-money/)
+and [displacement](https://www.urban.org/policy-centers/cross-center-initiatives/opportunity-ownership/projects/cost-eviction-and-unpaid-bills-financially-insecure-families-city-budgets). Rent control helps stretch limited, means-tested subsidies, which reach only a [small fraction](https://www.urban.org/research/publication/trends-housing-problems-and-federal-housing-assistance) of those in need, and with its more universal scope, can promote social equity on a larger scale.
+
+**Vacancy Decontrol**
+
+Rent control is most effective at keeping housing affordable for low-income tenants when it’s strong and covers as many units as possible. In the United States, rent control’s shortcomings are oftentimes due to its lack of teeth, as over the decades, landlords and their allies in office have rolled back or watered down existing regulations (e.g. by imposing vacancy decontrol).
+
+In California and elsewhere, rent stabilization laws permit rents to be raised without restriction, back up to market-rate, each time a tenant moves out — a provision called “vacancy decontrol.” This poison pill, imposed throughout California in 1995 and increasingly inserted in rent regulations since the 1970s, has drastically reduced affordability. In Santa Monica, before vacancy decontrol, rents for 83 percent of controlled units were affordable to low-income households; after vacancy decontrol, less than 4 percent of stabilized rental units remained affordable to such households.
+
+“High rent vacancy decontrol,” which permanently decontrols stock once rents reach a certain threshold, has caused the hemorrhage of over 155,000 rent-regulated units in New York City since 1994. What’s more, vacancy decontrol encourages landlords to find ways to force tenants out so they can raise rent without limitation.
+
+Most [new construction](https://www.rentcafe.com/blog/rental-market/luxury-apartments/8-out-of-10-new-apartment-buildings-were-high-end-in-2017-trend-carries-on-into-2018/), even [much of what passes as](https://shelterforce.org/2017/04/25/secret-history-area-median-income/) [|affordable"](https://www.dgphc.org/2018/05/10/ami-housing-deeply-unaffordable-for-low-income-families-part-2/) [housing](https://www.dgphc.org/2018/02/22/ami-housing-deeply-unaffordable-for-low-income-families/), is [nowhere close](https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/blog/changes-in-supply-and-demand-at-various-segments-of-the-rental-market-how-do-they-match-up/) to the scale and depth of affordability [needed](http://nlihc.org/sites/default/files/oor/OOR_2018.pdf). Truly meeting renters' needs would require mass public investment in preservation and construction at all governmental levels.
+
+{{< figure src="/images/is33-uneven-and-combined-3-850x1024.png" width="100%" title="Figure 3. Substractions from NYC’s Rent-Stabilized Housing Stock, 1994-2017." >}}
+
+When strong, rent control can help to dampen speculation. However, truly curbing the dominance of speculative influences on rents, and ensuring broad, long-term affordability, requires that controls be paired with other interventions: massive investment in public housing and subsidies, as well as policies that limit speculative practices. Over the decades, rent-controlled stock shrinks, whether because buildings naturally age and grow decrepit, or because of removals by loophole. In order for rent control to retain its coverage over a broad portion of stock, controlled stock must be replenished through the continual inclusion of newer buildings.
+
+Rent control preserves and deepens affordability, but by itself does not produce new units – so public construction must step in. Other policies like regulating Wall Street, public banking, vacancy taxes, and community land trusts must be employed to limit and dismantle the mechanisms of real estate speculation.
+
+Rent control is a basis for building renter power. Movements will only grow as conditions worsen for renters, and tenants organize to protect their homes and communities. The stakes are high, and the real estate opposition is enormous – but there is great urgency for policymakers to rise to this political moment for rent control, for renters, and for a more just housing market.

content/session/squatting.md

@@ -15,3 +15,148 @@ Squatting is a practice of claiming space without seeking permission which has a
 ## How to work together
 
 Read the proposed articles before you come to the session. Do a survey about squatting out of necessity. Design a questionnaire together. Split into groups of two. Go outside and do interviews with people. Do as many as you can. Come back and share your impressions with others. Compare the results. Share the interviews and results with other Pirate Care Syllabus users.
+
+{{< raw >}}
+<div class="pagebreak" style="font-family: vg5000-regular,sans; font-size: 1rem; padding-top: 2rem; padding-bottom: 2rem; color: #996561">▒  ☠ ▒ ▒▒▒ ▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒ 🐟▒ ☄ ▒▒▒▒ ▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒</div>
+{{< /raw >}}
+
+# X-Chris, *Squatting Is A Part Of The Housing Movement - Practical Squatting Histories 1969-2019*.
+**MayDay Rooms, 2019**
+
+{{< figure src="/images/squatting.png" width="100%" title="Figure 1. Cover of Squatting Is A Part Of The Housing Movement - Practical Squatting Histories 1969-2019" >}}
+
+**SQUATTING: AN INTRODUCTION**
+
+What does it mean that squatting is part of the hous-ing movement? We can say that there is a constant contest for people to find ways to live by themselves or with others in affordable and decent homes. As people don’t usually build their own homes, they are reliant on complicated political terrain of available land, finance and investment, the construction indus-try and the ideological preferences set in motion by successive governments. So living cheaply and secure-ly places you squarely in the middle of whole load of processes you have very little say in or control of. The housing movement is then anywhere and anything where people have to either fight to maintain decent homes or where people try to create alternative hous-ing less subject to the whims of the high rent and high profits of the usual housing market.
+
+We can say that the housing movement is a single pri-vate renter fighting a ‘no-fault’ eviction or tenants of a council estate fighting against demolition and social cleansing regeneration schemes. It is also when peo-ple set up housing co-ops to control their own housing or when people occupy empty buildings because they have nowhere they can afford to live. Or what about when tenants of the New Era housing estate in Hoxton who fought off the global private equity fund West-brook who had bought their homes in March 2014. Or when students at UCL London held a five month rent strike in 2017 that won major concessions on student rents and conditions!
+
+**All Squatting is Political**
+
+Although the housing movement might share a common sense of ‘decent homes for all’, the actual movement is more often than not a collection of fights and struggles happening in different locations with different degrees of energy and success. In the last 40 years of the prevailing political spin of the magical property ladder that you can ascend bit by bit and the accompanying delegitimisation of public housing as a de-cent, cheap and secure home, the housing movement comes and goes in its intensity. Sometimes there are national campaigns such at those against the recent Housing and Planning Act 2016 but sometimes there are simply single sites of conflict like Clays Lane Housing Co-op in Stratford demolished, in 2007 to make way for the London Olympics.
+
+In England, if you own a building, there are a few rules by which you have to abide, but in reality if you want to leave it empty, you can. Right now in London there are an esti-mated 20,000 homes empty for more than six months. Being able to keep your build-ing empty has been described as exercising the ‘fundamental human right of property’. It’s a bit like abstracting yourself from the society around you and all its ever-pressing needs. All of this is presented as normal, neutral and not what it actually is - a political conflict between owners and users. In some other parts of the world, a less brutal and different concept exists, that a building always has a ‘social function’. What this means is that property owners have an obligations to serve the community through a produc-tive use of what they happen to own.
+
+In February 2013, not long after the introduction of new laws banning squatting from residential properties, homeless guy Daniel Gauntlett froze to death in Aylesford, Kent on the porch of an empty bungalow he had previously been arrested trying to open up to shelter from the cold in. It’s clear that the social function of the bungalow would be to let Daniel shelter from the cold inside rather than for it be left empty. The idea of a building’s ‘social function’ raises the question of what the priorities of the society we live in are?
+
+Squatting, the occupation and use of empty buildings for shelter, housing or other uses, is about putting life back into buildings. There are very long and particular histories in the UK of squatting and there are also many tensions within what could loosely be called the squatting movement. Not only that, but there are sometimes other tensions between squatting and other housing struggles. Nonetheless, what follows attempts to show that historically the squatting has been an accepted part of the housing move-ment, and that especially after it’s partial criminalisation in 2012, the housing move-ment needs to embrace squatting once more as a part of resisting what is becoming the increasing impossibility of actually housing ourselves.
+
+**Women take the space they need**
+
+Women were at the forefront of opening up empty buildings for housing and other community uses, and as crucial protagonists of legal challenges and subsequent evic-tion resistance. This history has only really started to be written now by women who were involved at the time or by women who are researching women’s role in the squat-ting movement. One of the few older references can be found in Pat Moan’s account of her squatting days in ‘Learning to learn’ in ‘Squatting: The Real Story’ where she writes, ‘Since 1975 I have been amazed over and over by the dynamic women of the squatting movement: intimidating bailiffs, shaming police and embarrassing politicians in a direct and forceful way which most men are incapable of because they are so emotionally contained’.
+
+In the 1970s women came together to organise the first women’s refuges to enable any woman to escape domestic violence. Chiswick Women’s Aid set up the first open-door refuge in 1972 eventually squatting 20 or so buildings to deal with the large number of women and children needing a safe home. Other refuges were squatted by women in Grimsby, Stoke, Nottingham, Guildford, Birmingham, Manchester and Glasgow. In 1975 Anne Ashby from Chiswick Women’s Aid organised the squatting of the empty Palm Court Hotel in Richmond which lasted four years as safe refuge. Making public the scale of male violence inflicted upon women, by the 80s many refuges were finally government-funded and a National Women’s Aid Federation had been formed.
+
+Throughout the 70s and 80s women organised women-only squats to explore living together fusing housing need with feminist personal and political action. An entire women-only community came together with 50 houses in the Broadway Market area of Hackney, and in Lambeth the Brixton Women’s Centre squat in Railton Rd gave ad-vice and assistance resulting 100s of squats in Lambeth. There were lesbian squats and dyke squats, squatted children nurseries run by mums such as the Brailsford Rd creche in Brixton violently evicted twice by Lambeth Council in 1985/86 as well as the amazing one-year occupation of the South London Women’s Hospital by women to try to keep it from closing.
+
+40 years later and the feminist group Sisters Uncut reclaimed a council home in Hackney, a shop in Peckham and empty flats of Holloway Prison against the dismantling and de-funding of women’s refuges asking a similar question that Chiswick Wom-en’s Aid had asked in 1972: How can she leave if she has no-where to go?
+
+**SQUATTING AS A HOUSING MOVEMENT**
+
+Although the squatting of land and housing in the UK goes back centuries, it was only in the 20th century that a modern squat-ters movement came into its own. After WW2 a wave of squat-ting began, first in empty army camps and then in empty expen-sive properties such as Duchess of Bedford House in Kensington or The Ivanhoe Hotel in Bloomsbury. A demonstration on Sep-tember 14th 1946 saw 12,000 people march behind the banner ‘Ex-Servicemen Demand Requisition Of All Empty Mansions and Luxury Flats!’. This squatting campaign was not only in response to the number of homes damaged in the war but to the wide-spread slum conditions of privately rented homes.
+
+By 1973 there were still an estimated 100,000 empty public and private homes in London alone and 30,000 people in tempo-rary hostels or B&B accommodation and 2000 street homeless. From 1968 onwards a new squatting movement had begun. Different squatter campaigns first symbolically squatted emp-ty luxury flats at The Hollies in Wanstead and Arundel Court in Notting Hill. Then they moved to occupying empty homes in Redbridge, moving homeless families in and defending the houses physically from violent bailiffs but also legally from evic-tion. The London Squatters Campaign was thus born with loads of press and TV publicity.
+
+In late 1969 the media went ballistic when the counter-cultural London Street Commune initiated three large empty Central London squats, the most famous being at 144 Piccadilly. Press hysteria about drug-taking layabouts tried to turn what was a rough mix of hippies and young homeless people seeking al-ternative ways of living into Public Enemy No.1. It was not a surprise that the media would sympathise with homeless fami-lies but stir up mob violence towards the Piccadilly squatters. Although there were also criticisms made of the hippy squats at the time by those squatting homes for families, at the end of the day what was happening was that people with different needs and ideas took direct action to use empty buildings for living in. From these two campaigns, the 1970s saw a mass wave of squatting, mostly concentrated in the inner cities but also ru-rally as some people sought a way out of the daily grind. This was undoubtedly a housing movement responding to a housing crisis by squatting empty homes for housing, campaigning and making demands.
+
+**What Does the Movement Move**
+
+Throughout the 70s and 80s squatting continued on it’s merry way with an estimated 30,000 to 50,000 people squatting in the UK at any one time. Squatters were made up of both those who were organised and promoted squatting via local groups, publica-tions and practical help and those who were occupying empty buildings on their own outside of what could be described as the squatters movement. Part and parcel of this movement was the energy and solidarity that squatters brought to different areas of London and also the political crossover that occurred when squatters involved them-selves in struggles such as claimant unions, women’s refuges, lesbian and gay rights, fighting the selling off of council houses and general community activism. The squat-ting movement consistently provided meeting spaces, cultural activities, food co-ops, cheap cafes and the attempt to create alternatives away from the daily 9-5 routine. Not only this but squatters pioneered the turning of squats into housing co-ops, mostly on a ‘short life’ basis but some are still in existence today such as Abeona Housing Co-op established in 1975 in Hampstead.
+
+By the mid-1980s many squatters had turned to occupying the 1000s of empty local council flats that were the result of long-term disrepair due to cuts in funding and council’s mismanagement of its housing stock. With such chaos in allocations, the no-tion that squatters were jumping the housing waiting list was a nonsense. As Elgin Avenue squatters had well argued in 1975: ‘We said the ‘Waiting List’ was a political device to divide and weaken the real housing movement; homeless people are not re-sponsible for homelessness and no-one should have to wait for a home. Empty houses should be used’.
+
+A vibrant squatting movement continued until the late 2010s despite the tougher con-ditions - quicker evictions, less and less empty buildings due to the massive gentrifica-tion of London, the clamp down on the availability of welfare benefits, the rising cost of living and stagnating wage levels. Despite media panics around travellers, rave parties, ‘foreign’ squatters and some changes in the law and rules affecting squatting in 1977, 1994 and 2001, it was only in 2012 that Section 144 of the Legal Aid, Sentencing and Punishment of Offenders Act created a new offence of squatting in a residential build-ing. Since then, although the squatting movement has shrunk as a result of the new law, it continues still in empty commercial properties and in challenges to the law via protest squats that sprang up in connection to the sudden revitalisation of the housing movement in 2013, working with local housing groups to highlight gentrification.
+
+**London Squatters Campaign & Family Squatting Advisory Service, 1970s**
+
+The story of the London Squatters Campaign (LSC) in 1969 is variously told as the start of the widespread 70s squatting movement although there were many criticisms at the time of the short life licensed squats the campaign gave birth too.
+
+People who had been active in campaigns highlighting the appalling conditions in homeless hostels got together in late 1968 to try and kickstart a new mass squatting movement, the idea of squatting first being brought up by the families they met at the hostels. With a background in direct action, LSC started off with two symbolic and short actions at The Hollies in Wanstead, luxury flats empty for over 4 years, and a Vic-arage in Leyton, empty for three years. After this they were ready to house homeless families and on February 8th 1969 four houses were occupied in Redbridge. Despite all the homes being in a redevelopment area and possibly being left empty for up to another 10 years, the Council refused to let the houses in the short-term. Instead they subjected the squatters to a protracted legal battle, used violent bailiffs to illegally evict and smashed up empty homes to prevent further squatting. Publicity for the reclama-tion of empty homes was secured when squatters fought off bailiffs on June 23rd. By July an agreement was sorted with the Council for partial rehousing for some, a review of empty homes letting policy and no more trashing empty homes but all the squatters would have to move out first. This was voted on with 2/3rds in favour and amidst some bitterness, people moved out. Despite this, much had been learnt from the experience that would go forward in some way to building a mass of licensed short-life squats.
+
+At the same time in Lewisham, squatter activists, some from the LSC, had secured a deal with the Council for use of numerous empty properties in a redevelopment zone. For the council it was pragmatic, as the homes would have been squatted anyhow and they got to house families from their waiting list and give licenses that they hoped people would honour when the time came to give the houses back. A new part of the squatting movement was born - the licensed short-life occupation - where by 1970 the Lewisham Family Squatting Association had over 80 licensed houses. Such a model was replicated in other boroughs, usually after squatters had first occupied to get negotia-tions going or in some cases actions and protests had to be taken to force councils to see sense on their empty homes. In Southwark, squatters occupied the Town Hall, the homeless families department and the Labour Party HQ in Central London declaring ‘Southwark Labour Fights The Homeless’. It took 14 months of action to get the coun-cil to agree to hand over 30 houses. In September 1970, Family Squatting Advisory Service (FSAS) was set up with a grant from the charity Shelter and by 1973 FSAS said there were around 2500 people in licensed short-lifes across 16 London boroughs. In the same years, the number of unlicensed squatters also increased dramatically as sin-gle people needed homes too. The stage had been set and the battles of both family squatters and unlicensed squatters both intersected and departed, none the least with the question whether co-operation or conflict would produce victories for homeless squatters. Amidst some tensions FSAS ended around 1975 when the new Advisory Service for Squatters was set up in the wake of its passing.
+
+**DO ALL ROADS LEAD TO EVICTION?**
+
+There is probably one truism in squatting and that is that you’ll 99% be evicted from your squat and need to find a new one. How that happens (or doesn’t happen!) is down to both what you do and what they do. But it’s also entirely contextual to the times and so whereas in the 1980s you might have got one year in an empty Lambeth council flat, you may now only get two weeks in your squatted ex-pub in Deptford before you’re evicted. You might go to court with a good defence and sup-port from Advisory Service for Squatters and win an adjourn-ment. Or you get hit with a Interim Possession Order, correctly  served by the owner, you have 24 hours to get out. In the worst case, you might have the owner send round some heavies or private security to hassle you out. In some ways it’s also the luck of the draw. Some property owners are happy to make a deal with you to stay until they need the building and some will just go ballistic with rage. It’s the same with the police. Usually they turn up, listen to you lay down the laws to them on squatting, make a note in their notebook and leave. Rarely but it happens, they turn up, bash the door down and illegally evict you. Squatting is an adventure but one that needs people to take care and look after each other too.
+
+In England and Wales there is mostly a predictability to the pro-cess of squatting. People find a building they think will make a good squat and they do what they can to find out about the owner and why the building is empty. Next, the building is oc-cupied, locks are changed and the place is secured. Life goes on and then one day the owner or someone shows up with a piece of paper that says she is going to court for ordinary possession of where you are living. You prepare a defence and present this at the court and the judge makes a decision. If you get an adjournment because, for example, the legal paperwork is shonky then you win more time before the case comes up in court again. If a standard possession order is granted against you then you can expect bailiffs at some point. Often, people would ask the bailiffs when they are coming. Some people then chose to get their mates round on the day of eviction so that the bailiffs, on the advice of police who may not want to get in-volved in an unknown public order situation, would go away to come back another day. If that happens then you won’t know the new time of eviction and it’s likely to be a surprise visit early in the mooring and backed up with a bunch of police. For now, squatting in non-residential properties remains a civil matter, that is, something to be resolved in a court between you and the owner mediated by the whim of a judge. ‘Section 6’ of the 1977 Criminal Law Act still protects squatters from owners and the police just dragging you out because they don’t like your face. However the Interim Possession Order, introduced in 1994, is now more common after years of it being a bit of a rare bird. A proper IPO means you won’t even get to stay in your squat before you get to fight it in court. So it’s swings and roundabouts learnt along the way.
+
+**And Here Are Some We Won Earlier...**
+
+Without going into too much ancient history, people have won amazing victories through negotiation or physically resisting eviction or through both. Squatters who organise themselves, seek support from local people and groups, and campaign on many fronts (against council, property owners, in the press, in the streets etc) can win. In the 70s and 80s there were many long-term squatting communities battling eviction and homelessness who succeeded in many and varied ways. From 1972 to 1975, Elgin Avenue squatters in Maida Hill organised an extensive campaign alongside the support of local trade unions and tenants and residents organisations. Having the will to fight on the barricades meant that they could secure rehousing for families and short life homes for the rest. In 1977, 120 squatters in derelict GLC houses in Freston Rd declared the area to be Frestonia - the Free And Independent State Of Frestonia, before winning rehousing as Bramley Housing Co-op on the same site. Seymour Build-ings in Marylebone, squatted in 1975, was eventually turned into Seymour Housing Co-op when the squatters chose to make alternative plans for the buildings and take part in long negotiations with Westminster Council. The success of Seymour, itself in-spired by the earlier attempt to turn the squatted Sumner House in Bow into a co-op in 1974, was a victory as the new homes were for single people, something squatting campaigns were continually pointing out  - that unlike squatting families, single peo-ple had no chance to get housed by councils. From these successes, it was common for squatters to try and turn their communities or homes into official housing co-ops. Many of these are still in operation today. But for as many victories there were more mass evic-tions of squatting communities that took place.
+
+In 2019, we could ask the question  - now that there are no longer streets of empty housing up for redevelopment nor loads of empties on coun-cil estates - where would new victories by squat-ting take place? When places are squatted now be they council estates undergoing regeneration or empty commercial buildings what kind of move-ment is being created?
+
+**Resisting Mass Eviction in Stamford Hill, 1988**
+
+In early 1988, Hackney Council agreed to evict 250 squatters across 97 flats who had been living for up to 4 years on Stamford Hill Estate. Like many other squatted estates in London, friendly relations existed between tenants and squatters on Stamford Hill. The Tenant’s Association supported the squatters as ‘having a right to decent hous-ing’ and pointed out the cost of the eviction (est. £300,000) could be used to do the essential repairs they’d been ‘waiting in vain’ for years to happen. Several councillors and Labour branches broke ranks saying that these were the ‘policies of despair not socialism’ but the eviction was set to go ahead with a tip off to the squatters to expect 500 police and 60 bailiffs at 5am on March 7th 1988.
+
+Squatters and supporters had repeatedly disrupted council meetings to protest evic-tions and what they saw as a possible police riot. They were also well organised with lots of practical info sharing, block meetings, a really good ‘Open Letter to All Tenants’ distributed and a call out for support against the evictions. On the Sunday before the eviction, a mass meeting was held in one of the squats to prepare for resistance. Al-though the squatters did not want violence, they would defend their homes and so barricades were built from large refuse bins and skips. When the police came early next morning, some kids nicked a car and spectacularly burnt it at the estate’s en-trance. With resistance in full swing, 300 people saw off the eviction and the estate was police-free for two days, the squatters making sure that people on the estate could come and go or be helped with shopping and so on. Hackney council then agreed a meeting for the squatters to discuss rehousing on Wednesday morning. Predictably at the same time as the meeting, the police came en masse and evicted the squats as bailiffs dumped peoples belongings over the balconies. Police made sure that no-one could come back onto the estate to re-squat the flats, something that had been suc-cessfully pulled off by squatters after the mass evictions on Pullens Estate in Southwark in 1986. All of this to enable Hackney Council to ‘house the homeless’ as they put it despite having less that a quarter of the budgets they needed to do up the empties and squats on Pembury and Kingsmead estates still laying empty a year after eviction.  
+
+History later repeated itself as farce when Hackney agreed a new policy to reduce the number of empty properties by targeting squatters again even though of 3180 vacant homes, only 1300 were squatted. In March 1991 despite saying that it was ‘immoral and utterly futile to allocate squatted units when others on the same estate are empty’,  they again evicted 30 squats on Stamford Hill Estate to house the homeless who they had still not housed in all those new empties from the evictions three years earlier in 1988.
+
+**ORGANISING**
+
+To squat a place to live and play in, you need to find empties. Pretty much that means walking the streets looking. Once you’ve found a likely looking empty, then the rest is up to you. Luck-ily, throughout the long history of squatting, there have been people who recognise a need to organise a basic infrastructure to act in solidarity with those looking to squat or currently in squats. Once the concept of private property is challenged, then pretty soon all the other challenges may come along at the same time: choosing to practice mutual aid between squatters so that knowledge and experience can be shared against the society at large that pushes a dog-eat-dog individualism; queer squat-ters looking for each other to run a festival like Queeruption in Brixton in 1998 or the queer House of Brag social centre in vari-ous South London empties 2013 - 2014; living rent-free for a bit means you are no longer working three precarious jobs to see yourself through college; Elgin Avenue squatters issued work to-kens for building work and campaigning that could be redeemed in the squatter-run cafe for food. Squatting enables experiments and alternatives and this is as much a part of the history as being a part of the housing movement.
+
+The last 50 years has seen numerous practical attempts to co-or-dinate squatting at a neighbourhood basis. Think of the story of the politically complicated squatter co-ordinating bodies in the 70s such as All London Squatters, Squatting Action Council, Lon-don Squatters Union and divisions within those. The start of the minutes from the All London Squatters Meeting in November 73 are a joy of the usual squatting tensions of the time: ‘Immediate interruptions - complaints being made about the conduct of the meeting - We don’t want to be organised’. Or Brixton Squatters Aid, Camden Squatters Group, Squatters Network of Walworth all active in the 1980s with drop-in advice meetings and their own newsletters. Although the organised squatting movement goes up and down, fresh energies seem to emerge all the time. From 2010 onwards the regular Squattastic meetings brought together different local squatters groups, people and campaigns especially before squatting’s part-criminalisation in 2012. In the run up to 2012, Squatters Action for Secure Homes (SQUASH) did amazing work fighting the new law as others had earlier in 1994 in a different SQUASH flavour against changes to the criminal trespass laws. For years until 2019, the Practical Squatting nights ran every Tuesday night for one hour (alternating weekly in South and North London) as a meeting place for new squatters to get together, ask questions about things and then form squat mates to go off and open up empty buildings. Each decade things change - before there was the clumsy eviction phone tree, now there are various eviction text or whatsapp groups. Before advice was shared with how to remove steel security front doors on empty flats. Nowadays people are more likely to need advice on dealing with an internal motion sensor alarm linked directly to a security company but can also access Google Earth to see how it might be possible to get into empty buildings.
+
+At the bottom of this political organisation of squatting is how what has been learned along the way is joined with how things are today (new laws, new court rules etc) to maintain and help squatters do their thing.  Stalwart throughout this has been Advisory Service for Squatters (A.S.S.) set up in 1975 and still going strong. Reading the current 14th edition of their ‘Squatters Handbook’ is a treasure trove of squat lore, squat histo-ries and a deep encyclopaedic primer of all you need to know to get squatting. Written in an unapologetic style and rooted in the experiences of both the A.S.S collective and the thousands of squatters they have helped, the Handbook wants you to help yourself and others: ‘Finding a place’, ‘Proving it’s not residential’, ‘Dealing with security guards’, ‘Dealing with the police’ etc.
+
+...
+
+**CRISIS AGAIN!!**
+
+It’s common that we hear about ‘the housing crisis’. That this term is so widespread at least punctures the idea that housing and homelessness is something that just gets bet-ter or worse, abstracted from what government or global capital does. We can at least examine the idea of  ‘crisis’ to start to see that any crisis is something manufactured - by government when they act or legislate for the continued privatisation of public housing or by more global interests such as investment funds, private equity companies or real estate investment trusts buying up the same public housing or ‘regenerating’ it. In a housing crisis knocking down 1000s of council homes to replace them with luxury flats bought primarily by overseas investors shows that the crisis is purely driven by market interests and profits and not just because not enough homes are being built. The crisis is not a lack of homes to live in but vested interests manufacturing a scarcity of truly affordable homes. But for those always at the hard edge of what governments and capi-talists do, this has always been a crisis whether it’s 1969, 1985 or 2019 - high rents, low wages, gentrification of communities, no rent control, land speculation, stigmatisation and demolition of council housing and so on.
+
+In the early 70s there was a property boom where house prices were going up and many homes were left empty for purposes of speculation (that at some future point the house would be worth even more). Such speculation especially alongside government grants for refurbishing properties saw an increase in eviction of tenants. This process of eviction, speculation and refurbishment had its early beginnings in Islington where this removal of working class tenants and replacement by middle class home owners was dubbed ‘gentrification’ in 1964 by Ruth Glass. Homelessness needless to say went skyrocketing. The same era saw many working class communities overtaken by mas-sive investment in new office buildings. There were bitter campaigns against developers Harry Hyams who was behind the Centre Point building, Joe Levy’s Stock Conversion who wanted to demolish Tolmers Square in Euston and against the GLC plans for high rises in Covent Garden. Squatters were crucial adversaries in all these community bat-tles. If we consider squatters as the hidden homeless, we can see the truth of the point made by Elgin Ave squatters in 1975 about waiting lists (see page 8). Although a system is in place to house people, when local council lists are 10,000 people long but council homes are empty (as they were then) or council homes are demolished (as they are today), the idea of the list is pointless for anyone considered ‘non-priority’. Of course, priority is always given to developers plans no matter how destructive of affordable homes they might be.
+
+By the 80s, there were tons of empty houses, both council and private. It was Hard Times with mass unemployment, major local government funding and spending cuts but at least, for some, there were student grants and the relatively easy life of dole autonomy. Put both of these together with rent-free squatting and life was for once less crisis-prone. In some circumstances it was even still possible to gain council tenancies via Hard to Let schemes, taking homes no-one on the waiting list wanted. But it was also the beginning of 1.5m council homes lost through the Right To Buy your coun-cil home. Disinvestment and deindustrialisation in the inner city eventually saw new rounds of speculation and investment pointing slowly to the onslaught of future gen-trification. Docklands, North and South of the Thames, was for a time an unregulated space with empty-ish houses and estates that enabled some kind of escape from the ravages of capitalist daily life (the 9-5 grind, ill health and anxiety, no money, nowhere to live). But these empty spaces were a strange and often invisible part and parcel of the gentrification to come, satisfying speculative development where land is bought up later for development or resale as land values rose from other urban speculation and building. Dockside Rotherhithe was called Squatters Paradise by local squatters as the London Docklands Development Corporation (LDDC) planning regime led to 100s of empty council flats. Rotherhithe Action Group Squatters (RAGS) built a ragged com-munity there in 1983 although not without tons of hassle from some members of the Downtown Tenants Association who despite the LDDC’s gentrifying plans for the estates fell for a media and Council-led witch hunt against the squatters. At the time there were over 4500 Council homes laying empty across the borough. Ironically, squatting in Ber-mondsey after both WW1 and 2, was a factor in uniting local people to fight for and win cheap local housing including some of the Downtown Estates.
+
+**New Decade - New Crisis**
+
+In the 2010s, the crisis looks like this: few empties, endless government cuts, austerity and disciplining the working class, student fees, precarious work and increasing zero-hour contracts and freelance gig economy labour. The gains of earlier squatting cam-paigns such as short-life co-ops have mostly been evicted by hypocritical local councils such as Lambeth. But there have been some great squats and occupations to resist the cuts and social cleansing. In September 2014, Focus E15 group of former hostel-dwelling mums and supporters opened up 4 flats on the Carpenters Estate in Stratford where tenants had been ‘decanted’ for a failed Newham Council land sell-off on the back of the Olympics. Sweets Way Estate in Barnet was occupied by housing campaigners and squatters for months in 2015 against its dubious regeneration. In Barnet and New Cross public libraries closed by councils were occupied and taken over and run by the community from 2011 to this day. Squatters from the Autonomous Nation of Anarchist Libertarians successfully oc-cupied a few residential luxury mansions in the West End in 2017 inviting in homeless people for shelter and support. Streets Kitch-en folks squatted the long empty Sofia House on Great Portland St in March 2018 as a communal place for homeless people to get out of the freezing cold. Of course, private property trumps death on the streets and Sofia House stands empty once more. Lets not fool ourselves about the ‘housing crisis’ - the crisis is permanent and we must ask - who does the crisis hit the most? That’s where we can put some of our energies.
+
+...
+
+**SOLIDARITY IN ACTION**
+
+Squatted buildings used as bases for local struggles have also been active against the continual gentrification of the UK’s inner cities in ways that are antagonistic to and not accommodating to gentrification processes. Squatters are not only housing themselves by self-help direct action but they are often connected to and involved in supporting the housing movement and other fights such as for better wages, to offer support for striking workers or to linking precarious wages and labour to the role of the housing market in continual disciplining of the poor and worst-off.In March 1974, two months after the short protest squatting of the empty Centre Point offices in central London, folks acting with support of All London Squatters and Family Squatting Advisory Service decided to push the housing struggle connection between empty homes and homeless people and occupied an empty luxury block at 5-7 Dover St in Mayfair for permanent housing for people and families. They said that ‘unlike Centre Point, we are a squat for keeps. We intend to stay for as long as possible and campaign for support from the labour movement’. Despite regular pickets of the own-ers and other connected bodies and the demand that  Westminster Council to Compul-sorily Purchase the block, the grand experiment in ‘showing a practical way of actually housing the homeless’ was evicted after six weeks.
+
+**Privatisation Everywhere**
+
+By the start of the 1980s, public housing was under attack with the Greater London Council (GLC) selling off some of its properties. Various squatter and housing cam-paigns got active and a sustained campaign of squats were set in motion in part to highlight the how GLC homes were being left empty and ripe for speculation but also to encourage links between the mili-tant squatters of the day and the current more traditional tenants organisation and the labour movement. Housing Ac-tion made a fantastic protest squat of the GLC show home at the Ideal Homes Exhibition in 1979 and also luxury flats in Thurlow Park Rd, West Dulwich but also upped the ante by occupying  a block of GLC homes at Ferry Lane Estate in Tottenham. The GLC had left the homes empty for two years while they prepared them for sale. Calling the squats an ‘in-stant lettings scheme’ they appealed for homeless people to turn up at any time and promised to fight for rehousing for any squatter as well as campaigning for the sale of the Fer-ry Lane homes to be stopped and let out as council homes again. Another high profile occupation was put into place by Stop The Blitz who squat-ted 50 empty houses in Redbridge in late 1978 to highlight wasteful demolitions, close to the very same streets where London Squatters Campaign had begun in 1969. Al-though both sites were evicted, the message was clear that squatters and others could resist the every widening attack on public housing. In October 1980, the Squat Against Sales campaign took over the GLC’s Kilner House in Oval to try and stop its sell off. For three months 200 people from all walks of life lived together and not always easily, but forming some kind of community. Despite support from local tenants and other campaign groups, Kilner House was evicted on the morning on 9th January 1981 by over 600 tooled up police. Another local version of the campaign was in August 1981 when Ealing Occupation Against The Sales with the help of three Asian families squat-ted homes that had been built by Ealing Council specifially to sell to private buyers.
+
+**Gentrification Everywhere... Housing Justice Nowhere**
+
+In the last 20 years squatters have been active against the relentless gentrification and social cleansing of many London neighbourhoods. Back in 2002 Hackney Not 4 Sale, an action group fighting against the privatisation of community resources like libraries, youth clubs and nurseries, set up a spoof estate agents in a squatted shop in Stoke Newington. Four years later and not so far away, community activists twice squatted the long-term Francesca Cafe on Broadway Market after it’s sale to a local developer. The popular Cafe had been run by Tony Platia for 30 years before his dubious eviction in 2005 and so the occupation was to protest the social cleansing of the London Fields area and to show support for Tony. Despite eviction in late December, the cafe was valiantly re-occupied and rebuilt to hold on for a few more weeks. In this time two angry local meetings were held where Hackney council were seriously grilled. By 2006, Hackney Council had sold off £225 million worth of properties for just £70 million, the majority to unaccountable developers who then gentrified the area.
+
+The same story of social cleansing was happening via Southwark Council where their large 1000 home Heygate Estate was demolished from 2011. In November 2013 activ-ists occupied 21 Park St, a council-owned empty up for sale for £2.96 million, defying S144 of the new anti-squatting law and highlighting council sell-offs. Two local anti-gentrification squats were also taken, the first Eileen House office block in Feburary 2013 lasting six weeks and then the Elephant & Castle pub in June 2015 for a month, both sites providing meeting space, a protest base and also a chance for people to de-velop teach-ins and learn together what was happening and how to try and work with older local campaigns against ‘regeneration’.
+
+**WHAT NEXT?**
+
+**Squatting Is Still Illegal**
+
+2019 and what the **** is going on? We live in interesting times, no? Did you know that the higher the market value of a home, the more likely it is to be empty: In London, 39% of homes worth £1m to £5m are underused rising to 64% of homes worth more than £5m. Of homes owned by foreign investors, 42% are empty. Whilst politicians in Parlia-ment legislate more cuts to services, more breaks to landlords and more tax-sponsored packages to boost overpriced homes built by the house building sector, here is what hap-pens on the street: In December 2018, Gyula Remes, a homeless Hungarian died after he was found outside the entrance to the Houses of Parliament. Previously in February, Marcos Amaral Gourgel, a Brazilian rough sleeper died at the entrance to Parliament. In the UK in 2017, 600 rough sleepers died on the streets. Meanwhile, councils in the UK spent £300 million in three years (2015-18) on placing homeless people in hotels and B&Bs. Yet everywhere there are cranes on the horizon as more and more expensive or luxury homes are being built.
+
+If we can say that the squatting movement in the 1970s was, at minimum, a direct re-sponse to housing need among younger people and families - what can we say now? There should be nothing normal about empty homes, food banks, child poverty, over-crowding, unregulated private rented homes, low wages, zero hour contracts, benefit sanctions etc. but this is the manufactured political terrain we live in. As Peter Marcuse has said on homelessness but it applies just as aptly to the housing crisis: ‘Homeless-ness exists not because the system is not working but because this is the way it works’. The housing crisis is working well as a secure avenue for increased private profits. But despite the vast number of empty buildings, we cannot say that only squatting can solve the housing ‘crisis’ - not the least because we always need to think who is really is able to squat - or who is more likely to squat? We still need to fight harder for decent cheap secure housing, be that public housing, housing co-ops, community land trusts, self-build. Anything that attempts to bring housing out of the sanctity of the housing mar-ket and the profits of global investors. But how would it be to bring back a common political culture of squatting and one that is in tune with the times? It always felt like there was widespread support for empties to be used as homes and not left empty and such sympathies for squatters remain despite the media barrage that wants to destroy that common sense. But to face the housing ‘crisis’ head on could those who can squat and those who can be helped and supported in squatting organise together to open up wasted houses and other buildings and to create from this housing and new cultures of resistance?
+
+All the histories in this publication show that squatting is both a re-sponse to what is there (recession and empties or a city of specula-tion and lack of housing) and that it can be a dynamic that pushes the political terrain, often to places it doesn’t want to go. In 1946, as in 1969 and as in 1983, things had to be tried, an experiment had to be made or nothing would change - let’s begin today!
+
+**Squatting Is A Part of The Housing Movement: Naming The Moment**
+
+It’s difficult to think where the squatting movement goes:
+
+* Does it continue to fracture as each new precarious tenure comes up and each new law changes housing options - property guardians, conversions of offices to flats, emp-ty housing estates sealed shut and protected 24 hours by guard?
+
+* Should it make a widespread campaign for the removal of Section 144 of the Legal Aid, Sentencing and Punishment of Offenders Act 2012 which makes squatting in resi-dential properties illegal? Should it work more on a ‘Squatting is still legal’ campaign?
+
+* Should it once again set up infrastructures of organised squatting that connect to a wide range of people who need housing and communities of support? This is not an argument for making squatting respectable to the authorities as more being an argu-ment for making squatting relevant and possible for many more people.
+
+* Should it open up more squatted social centres again to act as advice places, social places and as antagonistic bases?
+
+* Does it try and start a movement that is not worried about the law but from a mor-al economy of housing and homelessness occupies empty new build homes? Can a movement of the poor actually expropriate empty luxury homes and for what length of time? Can it withstand the media hysteria, seek allies and support and up its game. Has to be said that such a new squatting movement without campaigning and public support is doomed.
+
+**What Can We Do?**
+
+If we look at what is going on elsewhere we can see militant responses to the cur-rent political terrain. Grassroots unions like United Voices of the World, Independent Workers’ Union of Great Britain, Cleaners & Allied Independent Workers Union have all been doing dogged case work and direct action to fight big employers with loads of success. Groups like Housing Action Southwark and Lambeth and the London Renters Union, based on solid member-led or-ganising and direct action are amazingly inspiring. There are also dozens of great local anti-gentrification and regeneration campaigns fighting hard and not afraid of reclaiming buildings in that struggle. It’s possible to open up places to live as well as re-claiming nurseries, libraries, health centres, community centres for continued use by communities. All of these strands could come together to plot and plan in solidarity with each other linking squatting for housing with low wages, the hostile envi-ronment for migrants, against the Right and fascism, to support benefit claimants. All of the above would seek to bring a strong but decentralised housing movement to fruition that includes initiating, supporting and defending squatting. Could be good!

content/session/strugglesforsocialhousing.md

@@ -4,12 +4,12 @@ title: "Struggles for Social Housing"
 
 # Universal care or charity?
 
-The system of public housing as it was established in the mid 20th century had to be dismantled and privatized to make way for financialization of housing and proliferation of debt via housing loans. Even though the systems of public, that is social housing, are different from country to country, they were all designed to offer an alternative to the market-based housing provision. One of the prevailing models of dismantling the public housing system was the politics of the so-called right-to-buy that originated in the UK in the 1980’s and was transferred to many other countries. This means that social housing stock has been sold off to tenants living in them. The programs were dubbed as one of the most ingenious conservative revolutions. By making the tenant the individual owner of property -  workers were supposed to become proprietors. To paraphrase General Franco’s Minister of housing in 1954, such  strategies turn the nation of workers into the nation of owners. Struggles for social housing range from collective anti-gentrification action of tenants, rent strikes as well as the transnational demands for abolishing the neoliberal idea that the market can provide us with housing and demanding more investment into public housing stock. These struggles teach us that the right to housing, similar to the right to health protection, should be understood as the universal care established through the systematically arranged program of solidarity.
+The system of public housing as it was established in the mid 20th century had to be dismantled and privatized to make way for financialization of housing and proliferation of debt via housing loans. Even though the systems of public, that is social housing, are different from country to country, they were all designed to offer an alternative to the market-based housing provision. One of the prevailing models of dismantling the public housing system was the politics of the so-called right-to-buy that originated in the UK in the 1980’s and was transferred to many other countries. This means that social housing stock has been sold off to tenants living in them. The programs were dubbed as one of the most ingenious conservative revolutions. By making the tenant the individual owner of property - workers were supposed to become proprietors. To paraphrase General Franco’s Minister of housing in 1954, such strategies turn the nation of workers into the nation of owners. Struggles for social housing range from collective anti-gentrification action of tenants, rent strikes as well as the transnational demands for abolishing the neoliberal idea that the market can provide us with housing and demanding more investment into public housing stock. These struggles teach us that the right to housing, similar to the right to health protection, should be understood as the universal care established through the systematically arranged program of solidarity.
 
 ## Proposed resources
 
 **Read about the myth of meddling state:**
-![](bib:f6f7d1a4-882b-409b-aaf9-d8ef8b551ec4), p. 74ff.
+![The myth of meddling state by Peter Marcuse.](bib:f6f7d1a4-882b-409b-aaf9-d8ef8b551ec4)
 
 **Read about the situation in the ex - socialist countries:**
 ![](bib:bf24f062-a58c-4105-9418-35dbce461532)
@@ -32,3 +32,347 @@ The system of public housing as it was established in the mid 20th century had t
 ## How to learn together
 
 Read the proposed articles before you come to the session. Watch the film together. Organize a discussion round. Make dictionary entries to collectively organize your thoughts. Feed in as much detail as you can. Use what you have read. Use your personal experience, including what you know about your family and your friends. Share your Dictionary with other Pirate Care Syllabus users.
+
+{{< raw >}}
+<div class="pagebreak" style="font-family: vg5000-regular,sans; font-size: 1rem; padding-top: 2rem; padding-bottom: 2rem; color: #996561">▒  ☠ ▒ ▒▒▒ ▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒ 🐟▒ ☄ ▒▒▒▒ ▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒</div>
+{{< /raw >}}
+
+
+# Ana Vilenica: 'Contradictions and Antagonisms in (Anti-) Social(ist) Housing in Serbia'
+**In *ACME An International Journal for Critical Geographies* 18(6), 1261-1282, 2019. Retrieved from https://acme-journal.org/index.php/acme/article/view/1731**
+
+**Introduction**
+
+Housing is an important battlefield of struggles for social justice. The Serbian housing system is built on complex Yugoslav housing histories and an anti-socialist housing 'transition' that occurred after the 1990s, when housing became, to a large extent, a for-profit domain. In this process, many people became 'losers' of the privatisation and subsequent financialisation of housing and the lack of adequate social housing provisions. Contemporary social housing in Serbia is a segment of the institutionalisation of (capitalist) social order (Fraser, 2016:163) that emerged as an effect of a global neoliberal anti-socialist transition and its neo-colonial implications. Today, social housing in Serbia does not ensure decent, affordable, and secure housing and accordingly fails to provide social justice to marginalised groups who are affected by capitalist expropriation. By betraying the promise of social housing through the relativisation, political use, and suppression of social justice (Kuljić, 2018:361), social housing produces a toxic patchwork of geographies of isolated and indebted populations made dependent by mechanisms of responsibilisation and racism.
+
+Yet, there is still a particular confusion regarding social housing that has emerged, as one cultural activist put it, from the clash between Yugoslav experience and the aggressive,rapid changes during the last decades. 'We see that nothing works, but we still cannot believe that the system is not there for us.'[^1] In order to underline the anti-social nature of social housing provision in peripheral capitalism, and instead of using the term social housing—which promises justice to those deprived of housing—I will introduce the notion of (anti-)social(ist) housing, which underlines its negation. Legal adviser Danilo Ćurčić came to a similar conclusion at a meeting with tenants in Kamendin in 2015: 'I am thinking often about how the social housing system doesn't exist. You are living the negation of that system. When everything is summed up, it's the complete opposite to it.'[^2]
+
+The anti-social nature of social housing will be analysed using the case of Kamendin, the biggest social housing project by the City of Belgrade, geographically situated in Zemun Polje on Belgrade's outskirts. Kamendin is a symptom and a materialisation of (anti-)social(ist) housing in Serbia, which includes technologies of segregation, the production of debt slavery, and racism. In 2013, after an outburst of racist protest in the settlement against Roma newcomers—organised mostly by their white neighbours from nearby neighbourhoods—the mainstream media reporting in newspapers such as *Večernje Novosti*, *Politika*, *Alo!*, and others created a smokescreen that led to confusion and disorientation regarding the events and the real problems in the settlement. In parallel to the outburst of racism, a number of social tenants were facing eviction due to accumulated debt that emerged because of structural problems in the benefits system and (anti-)social(ist) housing provision.
+
+Together with analysing the institutionalisation of (anti-)social(ist) housing, I will look at different resistance strategies. I will show how tenants left by the state to fight violence using their own devices employed the support of human rights NGOs and cultural organisationsin order to fight the state and change the narratives about their struggle. The main focus will be on the Kamendynamics project — which started one year after the racist protest and was established by cultural activists Nebojša Milikić and Tadej Kurepa, connected to Cultural Centre Rex in Belgrade — and on the play *How does fascism not disappear? Zlatija Kostić: I sued myself*, both carried out in collaboration with a group of tenants. These activist art projects are attempts to construct alternative understandings and meanings of social problems in the neighbourhood. They contribute to housing struggles as they improve the understanding of the (anti-)social(ist) housing “transition”and challenge dominant knowledge production by mainstream media.
+
+This article is the result of research that was conducted from 2015 to 2019. The data was collected through ethnographic fieldwork. The reported material is based on participant observation, numerous conversations with residents of Kamendin, local housing experts, and NGO workers involved in activist work in the neighbourhood, and media reports and policy analyses. I observed three public meetings of tenants, one meeting in the neighbourhood, and made four on-site visits to observe the situation. The Kamendynamics project and the performance were analysed on the basis of audio recordings, visual material, and discussions with the actors involved in the project. In May 2015, as a member of Who Builds the City group I took part in organising a meeting in Belgrade, which gathered groups and individuals active in housing struggles in Serbia, including tenants of Kamendin. At the time, I also had a chance to observe and discuss issues about organising regarding Kamendin. In June 2018, I organised the conference *Art and housing struggles: Between art and political organising* at London South Bank University, where Nebojša Milikić from Cultural Centre Rex and Zlatija Kostić, a tenant from Kamendin, presented their collaborative work.
+
+This research is theoretically framed by the current debate on “transition,” post-socialism, peripheral neoliberalisation, and social housing crises, including segregation, the racialisation of space, responsibilisation, tenants’ resistance, and housing activism. The study tackles the contradictions of Serbia’s social housing provision system not as a technical problem but as a political-economic problem (Madden and Marcuse, 2016:4). It combines an ethnographic account of social housing alongside in-depth readings of the economic, cultural, and social forces related to the conditions of specific spaces and subjects.
+
+This paper contributes to scholarship on social housing in Eastern European cities by looking at mechanisms of segregation, the creation of public debt, and race and racism in Eastern Europeansocial housing. It provides empirical knowledge about local mechanisms, including the role of artistic activism in shaping narratives about social housing, and hopefully contributes to the anti-eviction struggles that lie ahead for tenants in Kamendin as well as anti-segregation and anti-racist housing struggles, including struggles for social housing in Eastern European cities and beyond.
+
+The remainder of this article is structured as follows. First, I discuss of the emergence of the (anti-)social(ist) housing in Serbia. Social housing in Serbia plays out not only at the meso level and through state policy and politico-economic arrangements, but also at the macro level of international EU arrangements. Next, Iempirically analyse contradictions in the social housing project Kamendin in Belgrade by looking at segregation, debt slavery, responsibilisation, and racism.I discuss the micro level of shared assumptions, normative conceptions, and forms of knowledge. I consider social housing as both a material and a symbolic dynamic, connecting local issues with broader socio-political dynamics. In the third section, I will look at how attacks on social housing are resisted. I will discuss attempts of tenants and their allies to resist and fight back against systemic housing violence in the long and exhausting battle. The main focus will be on the potentials of cultural production for bringing out counter-narratives about social housing in Serbia. In the conclusion, I will reflect on the main findings in the light of the need to change the direction of “transition” towards new, socially just possibilities.
+
+**(Anti-)social(ist) housing in Serbia**
+
+Throughout the world, the social aspect of housing is suffering from attacks and defeats in the overwhelming process of housing “transition” that emerged as the effect of the global post-socialist condition (Fraser, 1997)and the outbreak of housing financialisation (Aalbers, 2017; Mikuš, 2019; Rolnik, 2019). Housing “transition” in Serbia emerged as part of the global tectonic changes in the organisation of capital and culture that began in the second half of the twentieth century and triumphed after 1989. Social housing in Serbia was created on the ruins of the Yugoslav societal housing system, which organised housing for Yugoslav workers more or less successfully until the 1990s. The academic literatures describes the period after the 1990s in ex-Yugoslav states largely as post-socialism and an unfinished or failed transition to capitalist political, institutional, economic, and socio-spatial standards (Kovacs, 1999; Tsenkova, 2009; Hegedus, Luz and Teller, 2013; Lux and Sunega 2013, Neducin and Krklješ, 2017). The process of “transition” in housing effectively meant the abolition of socialist institutionalisation, and with it the exorcism of class justice from the housing system. What we face today is a residual form of social housing based on legal justice, dosed and imposed through controlled procedures, which cannot effectively respond to the needs of the population and accordingly serve social justice. Although social housing, through legal documents, promises housing for all those who are not able to procure housing on the market, in practice it creates deprivation, marginalisation, expropriation, and repression.
+
+In this article, I insist on the notion of anti-socialist transition as an overturned insight into post-socialist transition in order to call things by their right name. In the transitology discourse, the term transition has been used in order to describe the self-compliant and logical process of “transition” in former socialist countries from the totalitarian, backward, and rigid system of socialist production and reproduction into democratic, standardised, advanced, and modern capitalism (Kirn, 2017:47). Nevertheless, “transition” did not form part of a standardised version of capitalism but of a tectonic change in the overall organisation of capitalism and its culture globally (ibid:3). Specific forms of “transition” have been emerging in Western capitalist countries as well as in the East. In housing, it took the form of phasing out the social(ist) elements from the housing sector. In the UK, for example, this process included teachers’ right-to-buy in the 1980s and has reached new heights today with processes of regeneration by demolition and the social cleansing of working-class people from the central parts of London (Watt, 2017: 1–9). In ex-Yugoslav countries, “transition” did not start in 1989, as Gal Kirn has shown (Kirn, 2017:46).3The history of Yugoslavia is the history of post-socialist discontinuities within socialism under the influence of changes in global dynamics. These post-socialist discontinuities were followed by the transition to civil war in 1990, led by national(ist) elites. This led to the nationalisation of spaces in national-state-building processesand their subsequent privatisation, including the replacement of class justice with de-economised national and philanthropic justice, and resulted in Yugoslavia and its socialist housing experimentdisappearing. What emerged was a new, anti-socialist, peripheral, financialised, and neoliberal housing model, with neo-colonial implications, similar to the one that was spreading in different rhythms globally.
+
+On an ideo-political level, social justice was the leading imperative (Kuljić, 2018:329) in Yugoslav “socialism,” which was never fully implemented. The Yugoslav socialist experiment in housing saw adequate housing for all as a pre-condition for the general development of society, which was supposed to lead to the total liberation of each individual. The new housing provision system was based on the principles of socialist self-management established in the 1950s. After WWII, initial partial nationalisation of the housing stock was carried out in the cities (1958). From 1956 onwards, workers had to allocate a percentage of their income to a common housing fund, with the perspective of gaining the right to use a socially owned apartment. The right to housing was connected to one’s work status in a country based on a never fulfilled ideal of full employment. However, in practice, the housing system was caught up in numerous contradictions and difficulties, including austerity measures imposed by the IMF in 1980, which led to a decline in the production of socially owned flats and to the parallel existence of massive informal housing and proto-market relations (Krstić, 2018:147).
+
+In Belgrade in the 1980s, social property in housing barely exceeded 50 per cent of the overall housing stock (Vujović, 1987:97, quoted in: Archer, 2016:10). The housing shortage was especially severe in the big cities because of rural-to-urban migration. This created phenomena of tolerated informal housing construction as well as “hidden homelessness,” namely people living in substandard and precarious conditions, many as renters (Tsenkova, 2009:29). The main dividing line in society was between those who had a housing right of occupancy (stanarsko pravo)4and those who did not (Archer, 2016:9). One’s housing status depended on aset of parameters, including family status, years of employment, health condition, rank in the company or institution, etc., which materialised in one’s position on the ranking list. Nevertheless, employment criteria favoured groups of workers with a higher education and informally the higher ranked in a company and – frequently coinciding – those with a party membership card. Yugoslav enterprises were responsible for the construction and distribution of apartments. After 1950, the position of one’s enterprise in Yugoslavia’s more and more market-oriented economy was of prime importance – for various reasons, some companies were able to generate more income and, especially after the economic reforms in the mid-1960s, gained more and more rights to decide about housing distribution.
+
+With the final disintegration of socialist Yugoslavia in the 1990s and the nationalist wars, the framework based on social justice was lost in pursuit of the promise given by Western democracy and full-scale entrepreneurial capitalism. With the expropriation of social property, the economic and political framework that defined “us” as a society, and with it the possibility to formulate collective interest, has fallen apart. In the field of housing, social property first had to be converted into state property by unconstitutional laws, and then the apartments were sold to the users of the residential rights. This process produced the so-called losers of the transition, who were not in a position to turn users’ rights into private ownership (mostly because they were renting on the private market or because they were the users of housing that was for other reasons non-eligible for privatisation). The privatisation of housing by its users for low prices cemented inherited inequalities and – together with restitution on property nationalised after WWII (Bodnaŕ, 2001:7) – created the basis for a new anti-socialist project. Similar to other Eastern European countries, today Serbia is a country with a high home ownership rate (Tsenkova, 2009:124); around 98 per cent in 2011 (RZS, 2017). Housing is to a large extent a for-profit domain, with home ownership as an ideal, where the dictates of the market have blocked access to social justice (Kuljić, 2018:283). The response to the challenge of defining new social housing politics was moved from an approach based on the principles of collectivism (and solidarity) to an approach based on efficiency in providing housing solutions to those who cannot compete on the market (Petrović, 2013:246, etc.). According to the 2011 census, less than 0.9 per cent of 2.4 million inhabited units was social housing (Vuksanović-Macura, 2017:70). This shows that social housing is currently in a residualised state (Petrović, 2013:256; Tsenkova, 2009:161). The essence of this system is the decentralised competition of various types of justices that focus on different groups of those in housing need. In effect, social housing serves to a large extent as a decoration of anti-socialist neoliberal democratic relativism. This new social (housing) justice has been normalised by the discriminatory legal positivism of national justice[^5] and by means of EU tactical philanthropy (characteristic for the relationship between the centre of capital and its periphery), which serves as a material surrogate of social justice (Kuljić, 2018: 297; 303). This surrogate of social justice has also generated its by-products in the face of the increased capacities of “soft social housing,” including slums and new unethical housing solutions like social housing in metal container settlements.Strategic donations coming from the EU had a large influence on the articulation of social housing policy in Serbia. In this way, the boundaries of the EU work both within and outside its territory (Sardelić, 2018:491). After the fall of Milosevic in the 2000s, the social security system was “re-stabilised” with funds from the World Bank and the IMF (Vuković and Perisić, 2011, quoted in Schwab, 2013:10). In the following years, as a candidate for EU membership, Serbia had to comply with the imposed EU neoliberal standardisation. The neoliberal reforms led to decentralisation, minimal institutional intervention, flexibilisation, and the creation of temporary social housing networked regimes. This included the establishment of a new model based on municipal agencies, with 15 million euros in donations from the Italian government through the Settlement and Integration of Refugees Programme (SIRP) carried out between 2005 and 2008 (Vuksanović-Macura, 2017). The EU was interested in investing in Serbia’s social infrastructure because of the regulation of migration. Social housing on the periphery has been treated as a pull factor that can be used to control unwanted migration to countries of the old core.
+
+For more than twenty years, Serbia’s housing legislation was scattered over numerous inadequate legal documents that gave way to a patchwork of solutions (Petrović, 2013:250) that were unable to respond to actual needs. By relying on project-based social housing construction and foreign donations, the Serbian state has failed to create stable and sustainable financial resources (Čolić-Damjanović, 2015:171) and create coordinated housing construction for the poor. The privatisation mechanism created a so-called “privatisation trap,” a form of social norm promising that all public tenants will be given the right-to-buy (Lux and Sunega, 2013:310). That created expectations that social housing would be temporary, and wouldsubsequently be expected to be turned into privately owned housing. Social housing projects in Serbia are usually mediated through municipal housing agencies or different NGOs. At the level of towns and the municipality, criteria for the allocation of social housing and property uses are based on local regulations and regulations that can be adapted to the requirements of donor agencies that finance the construction of apartments. “In Belgrade, there are at least five systems of social housing at work,” explained Danilo Ćurčić, at that time legal adviser from YUCOM – the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, at the event organised by Cultural Centre Rex in 2015: “In one building from one project, people are paying 1000 RSD [8.5 EUR] rent and in the block nextto it from another project, they don’t pay anything.”[^6] This temporary project-based, networked regime of social housing proved to be inefficient because of its disregard of the local context, its fragmented and uncoordinated actions due to the absence ofpolitical will to solve the problems on the long-term, and its non-compliance with its assigned role in adopted policies (Vuksanović-Macura, 2017:73).
+
+There is no official estimate of the need for social housing and no documentation that would give a clear idea of who has the lowest income and how much of their income they can spend on rent and utilities. Nevertheless, thanks to EUROSTAT data for 2016, we know that more than half the population lives in overcrowded households; that for more than 71 per cent of households in the Republic of Serbia, housing expenditures presents a great burden; that 17 per cent are exposed to a severe housing burden; and that 70 per cent would be eligible to claim help from the state, according to EU standards (EUROSTAT, 2019). The trouble with the social housing challenge in Serbia is precisely the failure to define in clear terms who the beneficiaries of housing provision should be (Petrović, 2013:249–250). According to the Social Housing Act from 2009, all those who cannot resolve their housing needs on the market because of social, economic, and other reasons have the right to social housing. Recently, this ambiguity got normalised on a symbolic and legal level by eliminating the very word “social housing” from the latest Housing Act (Law on Housing and Building Maintenance from 2016) and replacing it with the ambiguous term “housing support.” “The term social housing has a negative connotation. Many people need housing support but they don’t want to feel like social cases.”said an architect who took part in drafting the new Housing Act.[^7] This circumstance made it possible for the focus of social housing provision to shift from those who need it the most, namely the poor, to those on middle and lower-middle incomes who cannot compete on the market. Besides providing housing to the middle-income groups, the state also subsidised housing loans for this group, thus decreasing banks’ risks and interest income (Damjanović and Gligorijijević, 2010:49; Petrović, 2013:254 etc.). For the 18,290[^8] of those registered as homeless in 2011 (Bobić, 2014), this implies very slim chances of obtaining adequate housing. Special housing programmes have been created, targeting mostly refugees from the wars in 1990s and internally displaced persons (IDPs) (Petrović, 2013:251–252).[^9] Other vulnerable groups were targeted occasionally, in some cases with evident pressure from European institutions – whose goal was to prevent unwanted migration, especially from the Roma population.
+
+In order to alleviate the permanent housing crises, the (anti-)social(ist) housing regime in Serbia has developed a tolerance towards informal housing for the urban poor. Slums or “unhygienic settlements” (as they are called by the mainstream media and representatives of authorities) are “soft social housing” – the tolerated informal housing that emerged after WWII and escalated in the 1990s with the influx of refugees, IDPs, and those deported from EU countries of mostly Roma origins (Schwab, 2013:9–12).[^10] Those living in slums only occasionally come into authorities’ view, and this is mostly when they find themselves in the way of a profitable development plan. From 2009 to 2012, in the face of new urban regeneration project(s), slum dwellers were treated by city officials as communal municipal waste blocking the development of the city (see “Protest Roma zbog rušenja naselja,” 2009).
+
+During this period, violent mass evictions of slum settlements in profitable locations became one of the imprints of (anti-)social(ist) housing in Serbia. These evictions were induced by a big communication infrastructure project of significance to the EU[^11] and a sports event, the 2009 Summer Universiade, which was intended to create a “new and better” image of Serbia, and which enabled new profitable investments.[^12] The new (anti-)social(ist) housing solution for tenants of slums was found in the form of container settlements. Ex-tenants of the informal settlements, with address registration in Belgrade, were rehoused in five settlements scattered over the outskirts of Belgrade, where 14 m2 metal containers became the new form of transitional social housing for the surplus population the state wanted to get rid of.[^13] The container settlements became places for the resocialisation of Roma, a condition of earning their right to social housing (Schwab, 2013:49–57).[^14] In the years to follow, a few lucky container dwellers became tenants in social housing programmes[^15] as a result of pressure applied by the European Investment Bank.[^16] As has been shown, social housing in Serbia is an outcome of structural processes, including privatisation, dispossession of the poor, migration management, and the racialisation of cities. These processes became powerful organising forces of the conditions of the “absence of society” (Buden, 2012: 92). New (anti-)social(ist) housing emergedas a residualised field, where different groups compete for a roof over their heads within a fragmented and uncoordinated project financed by foreign donations. This process, as I will show in the example of social housing project Kamendin, has resulted in segregation, indebtedness, and racial conflicts and created irreconcilable antagonisms rather than smoother opposites.
+
+**Contradictions in the social housing project Kamendin**
+
+The Kamendin project started in 2003. By 2016, 622 flats for social rent had beenbuilt (Čolić-Damianović, 2015: 350), representing 80 per cent of all social flats constructed by the City of Belgrade at the time (ibid.). Kamendin is a satellite type of settlement, situated on two plots of land: Kamendin 1 and Kamendin 2. It was built in a peri-urban part of Belgrade, 17 km from its centre, far from any places of work. Kamendin has come into public focus when local newspapers started reporting on mass protest against Roma tenants in Zemun Polje:
+
+> The inhabitants of Zemun Polje have been campaigning for days against families of Roma origin who live in social apartments in the settlement of Kamendin, due to whom they do not feel safe in their own home. They pointed out that Zemun Polje, once a quiet neighbourhood, has become unsafe because their basements have been robbed, their neighbours enter their terraces, they burn containers, dump garbage and do not take care of hygiene, which caused mange to occur – forty citizens got sick within the previous two months.
+
+> The residents of Zemun Polje are asking the city and the state to solve the problem urgently, otherwise they will protest again and “take things into their own hands.” They also demanded that all those who threaten the safety of the settlement and the health of children leave Kamendin (Perović, 2013.).
+
+This sensationalist report says little about anti-social elements of social housing in Kamendin. Furthermore, it creates a smokescreen that conceals the problems that people have been facing in Zemun Polje, as one cultural activist said to me.[^17] If this is not the whole picture, what are the problems of Kamendin then?
+
+**They threw us all there:Social housing and segregation**
+
+Through a public competition, a number of Roma families displaced in container settlements have been moved in the city apartments in Kamendin.
+
+> In 2011–2012, Roma placed by the City of Belgrade in the container settlements have been moved into apartments in Kamendin for the first time in greater numbers. This relocation has been fuelled by the pressure from international and local organizations on the City administration to provide a solution, due to the catastrophic conditions in the container settlements, and the need to find a permanent housing solution for the displaced people. Thus, the City of Belgrade has squandered a competition for social housing, to which families from the container settlements applied in significant numbers. In this (applying) they were assisted by the city administration and some NGOs. Participation of these families in the competition was possible because the City of Belgrade had previously made changes to the rules for potential users of social housing, where priority was given to social and housing vulnerability (over the previous criteria, such as years of service and education). Overall, the Roma from container settlements were not privileged when applying for and moving into flats in Kamendin. They were (unfortunately) the poorest and the most vulnerable of all, which made them easily reach the top of the housing allocation rankings.[^18]
+
+
+Unlike some other settlements, where Roma were moved into one block of apartments, in Kamendin, Roma were successively moving into apartments with other ethnic groups (Vuksanović-Macura, 2017:81). A major characteristic of this settlement is that 80 per centof its tenants belong to so-called socially vulnerable individuals: those displaced from slum settlements, severely disabled people, and people in need of care and assistance whose household incomes is less than 60 per cent of the national average. This created a high concentration of poor and unemployed people (Čolić-Damianović, 2015: 351). “They threw us all there together: children from foster homes, heavily disabled, people with mental health issues, internally displaced people, Roma, we who worked ourentire lives,” the tenant told me in a conversation.[^19]
+
+In Kamendin, segregation was imposed (Marcuse, 2002) on the tenants. They were deliberately selected according to specific socio-economic criteria used to determine their right to live there. The criteria according to which these people were selected, their subsequent inability to pay bills, and the long-term unemployment of many turned the area into a ghetto of the excluded (Marcuse, 1997:232–233; Wacquant, 1993). Although a significant number of Romatenants already went through a process of forced “resocialisation” in the container settlement, according to tenants, policing continued in their social flats. Tenants reported that representatives of the Centre for Social Services and representatives of the Office for Collaboration with Users of Social Housing keep invading their homes through unannounced visits in order to regulate their behaviour. “It is not right for civil servants to come and spy on us, yell at us and drive our friends from the house.”[^20] Residents were never consulted about their housing preferences and needs (Vuksanović-Macura, 2017:81). In this way, they ended up living in a ghetto with an integrated corrective function.
+
+Due to their characteristics, segregated social housing projects very often prove to be spaces that generate conflicts and public protest. The beginning of construction work in 2003, as reported in Zemunska hronika, was marked by a conflict of interest between a group of citizens from Zemun Polje and municipal authorities responsible for the project. In collaboration with the local community council, Zemun’s citizens formed a crisis headquarters in order to express their protest against the new social housing project in close proximity to their homes (Zemunska hronika,2003). Citizens expressed discontent because they were not consulted in the planning process. They asked officials to improve their living conditions and not exacerbate them by increasing the population. Protesting citizens claimed to have enough of “their own Roma” in need of adequate housing and that they did not need unfortunate people from other places. Crisis headquarters organised mass protests in Zemun Polje, including road blocks and obstructing the construction site. The protest wave was interrupted by the murder of prime minister Zoran Đinđić and the subsequent declaration of a state of emergency, which included a ban on public gatherings, protests, and strikes. Antagonism towards the poor and racialised tenants of Kamendin continued throughout different phases of the project, which is still in progress.
+
+Spatial segregation mechanisms through social housing have to be seen as a political project of a peripheral state that structurally gave up on the social justice project based on equality; a statethat has embraced extreme class divisions and racism as its mode of functioning. Although segregation was not eradicated on the territory of Yugoslavia, there was a will to change some of its implications, mostly by means of new high-rise housing construction that was supposed to house residents of different educational profiles (Čaldarović, 1975:58–66). Today, housing segregation in Serbia is an effect of housing and social policy, speculations on land value, growing economic inequality, the residualisation of social housing, and structural and cultural class and race mechanisms.The Kamendin project shows how the segregation of the lower social strata on the periphery has increased through means of social housing. Regardless of the size of the problem, the segregation issue has not been on the political agenda in Serbia.
+
+**If I knew, I would never have moved into this flat: Social housing and debt slavery**
+
+The problems for Kamendin’s tenants surfaced when they realised that the state provided them with flats whose maintenance they could not afford. The very conditions to apply for these flats included a household not exceeding 23,000 RSD [~195 EUR]. The Centre for Social Welfare invited future tenants to apply for flats whose monthly costs would not exceed 3,000 RSD [~25 EUR]. But this turned out to be the monthly rent only. There are two main models of social housing programmes in Serbia: social housing for rent (from 2004) and social housing in protected conditions (from 2002). The users of the first type of social housing pay preferential rent and all housing costs, while users of the second type of social housing benefit from various social services. Instead of offering tenants social housing in protected conditions, the authorities misled most of the supposed beneficiaries in their explaining of the conditions they would find themselves in. “I feel deceived,” a tenant in debt told me, “I was told that the rent was 2,000 [17 EUR] and then it turned out that the total expenses are in excess of my income.”[^21] Many tenants had similar stories: “If I knew about this, I would have never moved into this flat. My bills were twice as small in the flat that I was renting in Vračar.”[^22] What contributed to the confusion, whether intentionally or not, is that the words “stanarina” or “naknada” were used in the contracts, which refer in everyday language to all expenses of the flat except electricity bills. People living on the street, in informal slums, or containers, as some explained, were too eager to get decent housing to check the variety of meanings in a contract that was presented to them as a hugely merciful act by the authorities. On top of rent and market price utility bills, they had to pay a property tax on social housing introduced in the amendments on theProperty Tax Law in 2014 (Ćurčić, 2015). Moreover, the trouble with the welfare system in Serbia is that those who are able to work receive welfare support for nine months a year (Zakon o socijalnoj zaštiti, 2011), but have to pay their bills the entire year. In the course of months and years, many tenants inevitably accumulated debt because of their inability to pay the utility bills. “When the state thinks poverty is asleep, you still have to pay the bills,” Danilo Ćurčić said, in conversation with tenants.[^23]
+
+Using the right to evict tenants who fail to pay their utility bills for three consecutive months, the City of Belgrade and “Infostan” (the municipal utilities company) sued a number of people, aiming at debt collection or eviction. According to the local initiative that organised the endangered tenants, up to a hundred families were exposed to such measures. For those who constantly failed to pay the electricity bills, a cut-off was the final step. Cultural activists told me that they met a single mother with four kids in Kamendin living without electricity in the flat, and her case was not unique (many people refused contact and meetings with activists but informed neighbours and members of the local initiatives).[^24] This situation reveals the utter violence of the social housing system. Under the excuse of care, the state was taking part in the ghettoisation of social tenants and their further marginalisation, and burdened them with unexpected debt. Up to the present day, the tenants of the Kamendin social project live under a permanent threat of losing the roofs over their heads, and many of them have no means of sustaining themselves as their income is blocked due to their debts. As the representative of a local organisation for social and economic rights told me in a conversation we had in 2019, the families who have debts with Infostan are now essentially without a contract, since the old contracts expired and the City is unwilling to extend new agreements with those who do not pay regularly.[^25]
+
+Until the beginning of 2019, there was only one attempt of eviction, which tenants stopped by blocking the execution by the executors, as several tenants reported in informal conversation.[^26] There are many reasons for this lack of eviction, including tactical postponement, and the structural incapacity of local authorities to implement violent measures. During the local election campaign held in 2012, the Serbian Progressive Party (Srpska napredna stranka) formally promised to continue supporting poor citizens.Representatives of the SPP (SNS) informally spread some sort of vague guarantee that there will be an alternative solution for the people endangered by evictions in exchange for votes, according to tenants.[^27]
+
+Bureaucratic debt itself has to be seen as a specific form of systemic violence that harms vulnerable groups (Degirmenciogluand Walker, 2015). The debt of Kamendin’s tenants is framed as individual or personal, but there is very little that is personal about this individualised form of structural inequality. This debt was produced by the aggressive, class-based, and racist policing of the population and was illegitimate from the very start. The debt of those in social housing arrangements in Serbia is a consequence of the overall politics of social housing, including the constant transfer of responsibility, the non-harmonisation of social legislation, the absence of political will to organise the sector of social housing, the absence of so-called social cards (socijalne karte) that would show how much the users of social housing are able to pay, and a general state of austerity in the social sector. “If this contract is not proved to be void, we are really in a lifelong problem. They are sitting on our social benefits and on our pensions,”said a concerned resident in a conversation with a little hope expressed.[^28]
+
+**I am ashamed in thousand ways: Governing by responsibilisation**
+
+In addition to policy measures that induced responsibilisation, widely spread public narratives affected attitudes and reasoning around the situation in Kamendin. The first articles about problems in Kamendin appeared in newspapers in 2012, when they reported on the decision of the Housing Commission for the Allocation of Social Housing (following a proposal of the Secretariat for Social Protection) to terminate contracts with tenants who accumulated debt. According to an article in Večernje Novosti, the City Administration proposed to those who were unemployed and who had accumulated debt to apply for jobs in the publicsector (Počinju iseljenja iz Kamendina?, 16.10.2012.). From thirty-two people who applied, only one accepted the job, as a representative of the City told the media (ibid.). The families were also offered to settle their debt in instalments.As the journalist reported, some of the debtors signed a debt repayment contract but did not comply again, or paid new bills, while refusing to settle the old (ibid.).
+
+Official statements and media narratives of this type indicated that the debt was caused by the irresponsibility and laziness of tenants. This ideological campaign is a standardised part of the neoliberalisation of subjects, which are now supposed to take full responsibility for aspects of their lives that were previously seen as unproductive and burdens-for-the-advancement-of-society collective/socialist concerns. The discursive production related to Serbia’s social housing problems has a strategic importance in individualising and personalising responsibility andreproducing a system based on profound inequality. In this way, structurally produced and basically illegitimate debt is internalised/individualised and thus legitimised, although the people taking part in this arrangement did not have any power over the development of the situation they ended upin. “I am ashamed in a thousand ways for bringing myself into this situation,”[^29] said a tenant in an interview.“It is all about my bad choices,”[^30] she underlined.
+
+One of the dominant narratives towards the end of Yugoslavia talked about societal propertyas “everyone’s and no one’s.” Problems in society were interpreted in the light of the absence of an efficient base for responsibility. That base was supposed to be created by the introduction of private ownership. In the residential sector, this new “responsibility” was introduced by pushing the users of residential rights into home ownership. The anti-socialist privatisation of housing and the dismantling of societal property in Serbia helped the state get rid of the expensive management and maintenance of properties by transferring it to a majority of poor owners. In social housing, the absurdities of this new responsibilisationcan be seen, among other things, in the tax on social housing. This “social tax,” “tax on poverty,” or “solidarity tax” has been introduced for the purpose of filling budget holes, together with a number of controversial decisions such as the reduction of pensions and compulsory socially useful work for all able-bodied recipients of welfare assistance (Ćurčić, 2015). This shows how society and higher authorities transferred responsibility for solving their own problems and the problems of the state budget to communities and individuals, which has become an important mechanism of peripheral housing governmentality.
+
+**I have nothing against Roma, but...: Social housing and racism**
+
+In November 2013, a new and more aggressive dimension was added to the campaign intended to prepare the terrain for the eviction of “undeserving beneficiaries” in Kamendin. Following rumours that an epidemic ofmange had appeared among schoolchildren in the local primary school, residents of nearby buildings started demanding the eviction of Roma residents (Perović, 2013). Serbian daily newspapers immediately started to report on an inflaming and “threatening toget out of control” mass protest against members of the Roma population (Skenderija and Ljutić, 2013.). Representatives of citizens in the protests blamed their neighbours, the Roma settled in the Kamendin social housing project, for the spread of the disease, for a petty crime epidemic, for prostitution, drug dealing, and state robbery, and for having no respect for the culture of communal living. Protestors called on the authorities to stop any further settlement of Roma residents in the area and to evict those who do not follow tenancy rules and hygienic procedures.This is how one of the tenants protesting against his Roma neighbours described the situation for the daily newspaper *Večernje Novosti*:
+
+> I have nothing against Roma, nor do I hate them! But the ones who moved in here are completely unsocialised. Because of them, we cannot keep the windows open; they are entering and stealing. They’re robbing the shops, they are violent, but there is also prostitution and drug dealing. It is not enough that theydo not pay for utilities, electricity, nothing (Skenderija and Ljutić, 2013).
+
+These kinds of statements based on racialising poverty were followed by public calls for violence and lynching and by expressions of hatred and intolerance. Many Roma tenants reported having been threatened and forced to hide in their homes during these events (Skenderija and Ljutić, 2013).The discourse employed in this case is not new. Discriminatory stereotypes about Roma are deep-seated in Serbian society (Simeunović-Bajić, 2013). Members of the Roma community are widely perceived as being unemployed, parasites on state resources, bending human rights laws to gain benefits, and always already cheating the system, whereas in fact, the system itself was designed to fail them. On top of this, there is a widespread denial that the expression of intolerance towards Roma is racism. During the racist protest in Kamendin, some white inhabitants claimed that they themselves as having become an endangered category when the vulnerable tenants settled (Skenderija and Ljutić, 2013). The word racism was widely seen as invented to serve the interests of the Roma, who supposedly get more privileges and benefits from the state than the white majority.
+
+Race is very much a spatial issue and an axis of exclusion (Fassin, 2017:XII; Picker, 2017). In Serbia, the racialisation of Roma has become a measure of Serbian whiteness and ethnic purity, and racism against Roma has become functional to spatial segregation in the country. In the last decade, in parallel with informal Roma settlements, social housing has become a new site of racial segregation and violence. The 2013 events created a new situation around issues in Kamendin that allowed the media and officials to ascribe all tensions to a problem of coexistence arising from so-called cultural differences. This representation situated the political debate around the coexistence problem and was to a large extent misleading: not only did it obscure the state’s responsibility for creating a segregated neighbourhood for the poor and pushing tenants into debt slavery, but it also contributed to redefining class-based social fragmentation in cultural terms. For the activists engaged in this case, who took the time to understand the situation, it was clear that the protests were used by the government to support their attempts to remove “undeserving beneficiaries” from their homes.[^31]
+
+**Resisting attacks on social housing**
+
+The “death of the social” (Trnka and Trundle, 2014:140) in (anti-)social(ist) housing has not remained unanswered. Dwellers of Kamendin have been trying to cope with injustices by using what is at their disposal: human rights NGOs, cultural organisations, and their own capacities to confront the legal system and fight back.
+
+The racial outburst of violence in 2013 provoked a wave of humanitarian and philanthropic responses from different state and civil society actors. Several NGOs have publicly condemned the racial riots and called for an immediate response by the state (Perović, 2013.). Apart from providing the conditions for a larger police presence in the neighbourhood, the state did nothing essential to solve this conflict and improve the living conditions in Zemun Polje. It left tenants to their own devices in coping with the structural and symbolic violence. Moreover, several tenants whom I had a chance to speak with during a visit to Kamendin in 2017 reported that the ruling party used their situation to exert pressure on them during the last presidential elections. Tenants were intimidated by representatives of the ruling right-wing, neoliberal SNS party by phone and pressured to vote for Aleksandar Vučić, the Serbian prime minister who was at that time running for president.[^32]
+
+Although the state has been working on confusing tenants, infantilising and blackmailing them, groups of tenants have been organising to fight back. Some of those forced into the bureaucratic battlefield in time became amateur experts in housing legal matters. Together with other tenants, they pressure city authorities and various institutions in charge of juridical, social-welfare-related, and political aspects of the problem by writing complaints and petitions and organising small-scale protests. “We must put pressure on the City to null and void these contracts. Then the debt will have to be written off as well,” a tenant told me during the so-called housing question event in Cultural Centre Rex.[^33] Several human rights NGOs, such as Praxis, A11, the initiative for economic and social rights, YUCOM – Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, and legal experts in socio-economic rights dedicated themselves to supporting individual tenants in the legal fight against evictions and unlawfully accumulated debt.
+
+> The serious problem in this case is that you are complaining to the same institution that you have signed your contract with. You sign the contract with the City of Belgrade and they get to decide about the termination of the contract. When you complain, they are again the ones who get to decide on the legality of the termination of the contract. After the decision of the Mayor, you don’t have a right to legal protection anymore.[^34]
+
+This is how an expert in socio-economic rights explained the situation to me during the same event. An additional problem in this situation is sudden transfers of responsibilities between institutions that have been happening in a non-transparent way. The responsibility for social housing, according to a representative of A11, has recently passed from the Secretariat of Social Protection to the Secretariat for Property and Legal Relations.[^35] What is obvious to tenants, legal experts, and activists alike is that social housing in Serbia does not serve its purpose, at least not the purpose we expect it to have: to protectthose who need support the most. These fragmented and defensive responses, which work with consequences rather than causes, are condemned to somehow endure in this long and exhausting battle, without much chance of success.
+
+All these activities of individuals and institutions contained many moments that looked decisive, hopeful, or hopeless to the actors involved. At the end, however, exhaustion served as a tactic of draining the physical and mental energy of those affected. It seems that this is how the system creates its hostages.Tenants are still hoping that appeals will bear fruit in order to save them from eviction, which would mean going to some of the newly established slums or, as a seemingly better option, returning to containers. As an inevitableresult of these continuous struggles and tensions, more and more people report physical and mental health problems. This experience of profound subjective suffering materialises, as tenants report, in depression, anxiety, and other severe conditions. “Howmany people have died by now? No one is reporting about that. How many people got sick of those that came here healthy? How long will we endure the terror of the City management? We don’t owe them anything. They owe us for maltreatment and causing severe anguish,”[^36] a woman said during a meeting in Kamendin organised by Cultural Centre Rex in 2015.
+
+**How does fascism not disappear? Engaging by means of art**
+
+Thanks to their long-term engagement with tenants of Kamendin, activists from Cultural Centre Rex in Belgrade are among their most visible public allies. During the last decades, art has played a significant role in urban struggles. It has been functionalised in processes of gentrification and social cleansing and instrumentalised as a “regeneration” factorin socially deprived arias (Phillips and Erdemci, 2012). On the other hand, artists have been struggling to maintain their position as critical agents in urban struggles by giving a voice to the deprived and creating alternative narratives to those produced in the mainstream. A year and a half after the protests in Kamendin, a group of cultural activists working at Cultural Centre Rex, with a long-term interest in housing, started the project Kamendynamics. These empirical and artistic works recalled the capacity of cultural production and the role that it can play. In this very case, instead of reinforcing the sources of division and alienation among individuals and groups.
+
+According to initiators Nebojša Milikić and Tadej Kurepa, the project emerged with the aim of understanding the actual social relations behind the spectacularised narratives produced in the media.[^37] In order to reveal the roots of a politics that proclaims poverty to be rooted in cultural differences and individual preferences, they started a year’s long research project. Project Kamendynamics gradually grew into a struggle for supremacy in the interpretation against the absolutely toxic language that has taken root in and about Kamendin. This activist research started with a survey and individual talks and interviews that included tenants and stakeholders. The collected information and mapped questions were used as a framework for two public seminars named Hot potato 1 and 2, which followed the outcomes of interviews and small-scale discussions that the group of activists realised in Kamendin in June and July 2015. The seminars were an attempt to articulate broader social problems and thus outline a context for particular problems in the settlement of Kamendin as well as for individual problems of tenants. This attempt included a public analysis of the facts about the flaws and failures of social housing and welfare politics as well as political mechanisms and media manipulations.
+
+In one room, the seminar gathered those in debt, those unhappy because of a lack of hygiene, and those who took part in racist protests. The tense atmosphere during both seminars showed the desperation and anger of tenants trapped in a hopeless situation as well as the complex relations among those living in and around Kamendin. There were voices who directed their anger towards the system that divided the tenants into payers and debtors and towards the inefficient welfare system, as well as those who blamed noisy, uncultivated neighbours and an inefficient police system.
+
+The seminars were conceived as a means of setting up a framework to push publicly against a story that serves the interests of elites and intervene with a new one that serves the interests of the people who are the reason that the neighbourhood exists in the first place (mostly the poor). In order to share ideas for confronting and changing dominant narratives, the project introduced a new form of thinking by means of visual art. As an attempt to make sense of all personal stories and policy facts collected during the research and discussions, the moderators of the project, with the help of visual artist Vahida Ramujkić, came up with a drawing for the “reverse side of the building.” The drawing was presented to seminar participants as an explanatory model that could be, if accepted by most of the interested actors, realised as a mural in one of the buildings in the settlement.[^38]
+
+The drawing is based on a four-class model society, resembling a four-floor building, including the pauperised working class, those with a middle-class consciousness, and the comprador bourgeoisie serving the interests of the neo-colonial peripheral management of troika and big capital. The poor tenants of Kamendin are positioned at the very bottom of the building. They are presented as carrying the entire institutional apparatus from government officeto NGOs on their backs (a class that the initiators of the project in Kamendin themselves obviously belong to), including that of media and people who protested against Roma tenants. On the top floor, one can see well-dressed politicians holding the rooftop with both of their hands. Those are comprador elites that are used to transfer messages and pressure from the EU, IMF, and ECB to those whose lives they manage. EU institutions and politicians are on the very top. They are separated from the rest of thebuilding by barbed wire. Their role is to oversee the efficacy of social housing in Serbia, serving as a “pull factor” meant to control migrations. The lower parts of the building are represented as a dynamic structure, with individuals from each floor trying to climb the ladder and reach the next one. What we see on the drawing is a struggle, not peaceful coexistence. The “reverse side” actually revealed that the social housing system in Serbia is deployed on a grid of the “class pyramid,” based on economic and ideopolitical domination and subordination. This drawing is a clear attempt to bring class analyses back into the housing issue in order to undermine the analyses based on the ethnification and culturalisation of problems.
+
+In parallel with the development of the idea for the public mural as a means to explain and talk about the class character of conflicts in Kamendin, another seminar in Cultural Centre Rex became the platform for articulating problems in Kamendin. Conceived as a public reading of the autobiographical narrative of tenant Zlatija Kostić, this seminar opened up questions of the historical relational effects of our structural differences and the gradual subsequent construction of individual guilt as a means of transferring social responsibility.Zlatija Kostić claimed in the survey conducted by a cultural activist (engaged in research for the project Kamendynamics) to be ready to sue herself for the hopeless situation she has put herself and her daughters in, due to the decisions that she has made during her lifetime. This paradoxical demand found its detailed articulation in a staged version of an imaginary court case performed under the title *How does fascism not disappear? Zlatija Kostić: I sued myself*.
+
+The performance text was initially prepared by Zlatija Kostić and then gradually developed and finalised in collaboration with project moderators and other tenants from the settlement. The stage was set on September 20, 2016, at Cultural Centre Rex, as part of The Speech Programmes. The scarce scenography indicated the outline of a court room, a resemblance that was referred to in the introduction to the performance, as was an imaginary institution called the Basic Court for Human Rights in the Belgrade Municipality of the Zemun Settlement Kamendin. The audience witnessed the court hearing about “... the case of Zlatija Kostić from Kamendin, Belgrade, against Zlatija Kostić from Kamendin, Belgrade.” Zlatija (who appeared in front of the court as herself) accused the defendant Zlatija (who appeared in front of the court as an incarnation of Zlatija in her twenties) for ruining her life and the lives of her children with a series of mistakes and bad decisions that she made during her lifetime.
+
+The performance narrative includes autobiographical takes and analytical comments meant to create a historical-materialist setting for Zlatija’s story. Consequently, what is felt as individual guilt is revealed in this narrative as an outcome of systemic problems emergingin socialist Yugoslavia and during the so-called transition, showing how workers were robbed of social property and put in a situation of permanent dependency on inadequate (literally and materially disappearing) state apparatuses. This play is intended to encourage people to develop insights about their own lives, but it is also committed to the deeper roots of the problem, to insights into how cause leads to consequence, and to how to influence, shape, and understand the driving forces of contemporary housing regimes in Serbia. This is not a performance about the self, but it is about the self-definition of identity construction (Spry, 2011), the limits of personal accountability, and the state as a domain of un-freedom.
+
+At a time when public debate seemsto articulate a rhetoric of exclusion, this play, which is unusual in a Serbian context, crucially provides explanations that illuminate the true roots of social fragmentation. The court set-up, where witnesses, experts, and the audience spoke from their own political and societal experience seemingly lit up – at least for two hours – the collective political imagination. People from the audience were voicing pros and cons of the presented claims and standpoints, even commenting further like some experts or passing witnesses, bringing the event to a kind of forum-theatre ending. “I am the generation of the claimants. The accusations are correct. Young Zlatija was wrong. She didn’t think enough about herself and her family, she believed the state. That’s whyshe should be declared guilty!” said a man from the audience. A woman, a lawyer by profession, mentioned the example of the neighbourhood Stepa Stepanovic in Belgrade, where tenants have reportedly been facing similar problems. Many talked about the fact that it is possible to tax social housing and evict poor people from social flats. Many accusations of the state were formulated, including the conclusion that the legal state is only legal when it has benefits. Among the attempts to clarify different issues, there was also an attempt to formulate a proposal for collective direct action: “The next time when the executors show up, we should all come and force the state to reformulate the system.”
+
+Unfortunately, the play was performed in Serbia only once. In an interview conducted in 2017, Zlatija Kostić told me that there were around twenty people in the audience, some of them family members of people from Kamendin that were involved in reading, and others people that she did not know. At the beginning, the seminars and the play were relatively isolated but important attempts to produce counter-narratives about social housing in Serbia. Today, together with other actors in the housing movement – including the anti-eviction movement The Joint Action: Roof over the Head (The Roof) – Cultural Centre Rex continues to bring up this issue in order to include it in a larger process of politicisation that has been taking part in the last two years around epidemics of eviction due to debt after the state has given new powers to private-public executors. But that is a story for another paper.
+
+**Conclusion**
+
+In light of the main findings of this study, it could be concluded that social housing in Serbia has an anti-social nature. It is a product of anti-socialist neoliberal poverty governance at the EU and local levels. The new accumulation of capital through speculation on land value created conditions in which land for social housing had to be located on the periphery and on the very frontier of social life in cities. Repressive forms of social housing in combination with a repressive welfare system produce pauperised, stigmatised, and segregated urban areas.Social housing promises assistance to all those who cannot obtain housing on the market but, in reality, keeps the numbers of those that should be on the waiting lists suppressed (Petrović, 2013:246). The lucky minority of those in need that actually manage to obtain an apartment in public ownership are threatened by debt slavery and class-and race-based regulatory violence. In order to obscure this situation, institutions use different legal and symbolic mechanisms that function to cheaply hide the most visible victims of neoliberal housing contradictions. The risks and contradictions of a system that institutions and society produce are subjectivised, individualised, and racialised. Media narratives, responsibilisation,and racism are operationalised by the state’s “hygienic governmentality” and directed against an “abject population” accused of threatening the common good (Berlan 1997:175, quoted in: Tyler, 2013:38). Mina Petrović argues that this housing regime is ambivalent (Petrović, 2013:244). This article, however, shows that it is not ambivalent but extremely anti-social, because it does not provide decent, affordable, and secure housing. Instead, it produces spatial segregation, racism, debt slavery, and evictions. Moreover, the state has been utilising the enslaved position of segregated and indebted social tenants to collect votes and maintain its powerful position through pressure and blackmail. Also, the EU has provided funds and turned a blind eye on human rights violations in order to secure social housing in Serbia that is supposed to keep unwanted Roma migrants within the borders of Serbia.
+
+Mainstream narratives that co-constructed the situation in Kamendin employed a particular angle that blamed Roma people for having no respect for the culture of communal living. It is not that racism and disrespect for the culture of communal living are not the problem. The problem is that without a structural approach, every analysis tends to stay stuck in easy-to-manipulate identity politics and individual choices related to the mythology of “equal opportunities.” The analysis performed through the Kamendynamics project and the play I sued myselfshowed that racism and the formation of “identity politics” are important factors, but they can obfuscate the deeper socio-economic vectors of division on which they are predicated. The approach developed in theseprojects is an important contribution to analyses of social housing issues in Serbia, as they shift the understanding of housing and open up the process of “transition” to other possibilities.
+
+Resistant practices emerge and converge. Our task is to think about how to bring in new elements and nurture the old ones and prepare them for their lives outside their current (art, activist, or academic) institutional and geographic forms. One thing is certain: resistance practices cannot properly function in isolation and they have to be permanently accountable to those in the interests of whom their actors claim to work.
+
+**Acknowledgements**
+
+I would like to thank to all the tenants of Kamendin that I had a chance to meet with and talk to. I would like to thank the anonymous peer reviewers, ACME editor Marieke Krijnen and my dear friends and colleagues Nebojša Milikić, Danilo Ćurčić, Anja Buchele, Svetlana Rakočević, Lee Barham, Vittorio Bini, Ugo Rossi, and Zlata Vuksanović-Macura who have read, commented on, and/or proofread this paper in different phases.
+
+**Funding**
+
+The research for this article has been conducted within the framework of the European Commission’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Sklodowska-Curie Individual Fellowship grant for the research project HOUSEREG, agreement No.707848 (2016-2018).
+
+
+[^1]: Conversation with a cultural worker, Belgrade, April 2017.
+
+[^2]: Hot potato: What is the social problem in Zemun Polje?, Cultural Centre Rex, Belgrade, June 6, 2015
+
+[^3]: In the book chapter “A Critique of Transition Studies on Postsocialism or How to Rethink and Reorient 1989?” Gal Kirn returns to the Althusserian concept of the aleatory and contingent processes of history in order to show that Yugoslav socialism has itself been a transitional form that has constantly shifted between capitalist and communist elements.
+
+[^4]: Other English terms in use are: specially protected tenancy and occupancy-tenancy rights.
+
+[^5]: Or a set of contested legal regulations and restrictions without reference to social consideration.
+
+[^6]: Hot potato: What is the social problem in Zemun Polje?, Cultural Centre Rex, Belgrade, June 6, 2015.
+
+[^7]: Conversation with an architect, Belgrade, October 2015.
+
+[^8]: These are homeless people registered in the 2011 census. In Serbia, this is not an official register of homeless people.
+
+[^9]: Even among those registered as IDPs, discrimination was/is significant. As the representative of A11 – The initiative for economic and social rights – told me in a conversation, conditions for getting a flat in the special programs have been privileging ethnic Serbs, while for example Roma, Ashkali, and Egyptians had much less access to these programs.
+
+[^10]: Roma had an unequal housing status in Yugoslavia, largely due to their positionas low-qualified workers (Vujović, 2017). The anti-socialist period accelerated their downward mobility, while the increasing pauperisation of the majority population led to a widespread perception of any provision to Roma as a privilege at the expense of the Serbian majority (Petrović, Berescu, and Teller, 2013:109). Poverty itself became racialised and crystallised into discrimination of Roma people. Those in disadvantaged situations are now seen by the white majority populationas parasites, depleting public resources to their advantage (see comments under Skenderija and Ljutić, 2013). Nevertheless, from 6,410 social flats in Belgrade in 2011, only 134 – or 2 per cent – were inhabited by Roma (Macura and Samardžić, 2017:52). Many Roma tried to find better living conditions abroad, where host countries treat them as temporaryand deportable visitors (Sardelić, 2018:491). In order to comply with demands for joining the EU, Serbia had to sign an agreement on the readmission of all those who were not granted asylum. In the course of the Schengen visa liberalisation process, thousands of people, mostly Roma, were deported to Serbia. For many of them, the only way to resolve their housing situation was to move into one of the slum settlements.
+
+[^11]: The most disadvantaged population living in slums, mostly Roma, became the first victim of the “soft social housing” cleansing project that started in 2009 in preparation for the reconstruction of the Gazela bridge as part of works on the Pan-European corridor X, a communication infrastructure project of European interest. In this endeavour, the City of Belgrade, together with European Investment Bank, created a new type of governmentality over Roma tenants in an attempt to jointly manage the fulfilment of credit (Schwab, 2013:41). Inadequate attempts to rehouse Roma were followed by continuous racist rejections and demonstrations by local white residents of potential neighbourhoods for Roma families’ new homes (Amnesty International, 2010).
+
+[^12]: For this occasion, the city of Belgrade entered into a private-public partnership – with a company owned by local tycoon Miroslav Miškovoć and with the Hypo-Alpe Adria bank – in order to build a new business-residential complex to accommodate Universiade athletes, whichwas intended for sale after the event was over (see Vilenica and kuda.org, 2013: 12–13).
+
+[^13]: Those without an address in Belgrade were deported to the official places of residence stated in their personal documents.
+
+[^14]: Rules in container settlements were based on stereotypes regarding the Roma people’s ways of life, which they were supposed to change, from hygiene to family planning.
+
+[^15]: “The majority of the families have now been moved outfrom the container settlements. Few have been moved to socialhousing; about sixty families. Others received houses in rural areas all over Serbia, and several received construction materials. They were part of the “social housing” program if we see the purchase of the rural homes as one of the social housing models. However,they are not tenants but owners” (Email exchange with Dr Zlata Vuksanović-Macura, September 2019).
+
+[^16]: “The European Investment Bank, which co-financed the reconstruction with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, announced in March 2010 that it was not satisfied with the Roma displacement and that the contractor Roads of Serbia should pay back a tranche of 10 million euros if a sustainable housing solution for the displaced Roma was not found” (Ombudsman, 2012).
+
+[^17]: Conversation with a cultural activist, Belgrade, May 2016.
+
+[^18]: Email exchange with Dr Zlata Vuksanović-Macura, September 2019.
+
+[^19]: Interview with a tenant, Belgrade, May 2017.
+
+[^20]: Hot potato: What is the social problem in Zemun Polje?, Cultural Centre Rex, Belgrade, June 6, 2015.
+
+[^21]: Conversation with a tenant, Belgrade, April 2017.
+
+[^22]: Hot potato: What is the social problem in Zemun Polje?, Cultural Centre Rex, Belgrade, June 6, 2015.
+
+[^23]: Ibid.
+
+[^24]: Conversation with a cultural activist, Belgrade, April 2017.
+
+[^25]: Conversation with a representative of A11, Belgrade, May, 2019.
+
+[^26]: Conversation with tenants, Belgrade, March 2017, and conversation with a representative of A11–Initiative for Economic and Social Rights, Belgrade, May, 2019.
+
+[^27]: Conversation with tenants, Belgrade, March 2017.
+
+[^28]: Conversation with a tenant, Belgrade, April 2017.
+
+[^29]: Interview with a tenant, Belgrade, March, 2017.
+
+[^30]: Ibid.
+
+[^31]: Conversation with a cultural activist, Belgrade, April 2017.
+
+[^32]: Conversation with tenants, Belgrade, April 2017.
+
+[^33]: Conversation with a tenant, Belgrade, October 2015.
+
+[^34]: “Hot potato: What is the social problem in Zemun Polje?” Cultural Centre Rex, Belgrade, June 6, 2015.
+
+[^35]: Conversation with a representative of A11, April 2019.
+
+[^36]: Hot potato: What is the social problem in Zemun Polje?, Cultural Centre Rex, Belgrade, June 6, 2015.
+
+[^37]: Public presentation of the Kamendynamics project, Project Actopolis, Belgrade, May 2016.
+
+[^38]: Meanwhile, during 2016–2017, the developmentof the concept for a mural was continued within the frame of the project ACTOPOLIS, where further consultations in Kamendin, involved NGOs and governmental institutions, were realised and documented. The drawing and documentary materials, named Kamendynamics, were exhibited along with many newly collected interpretations, reactions, and proposals related to the meaning and function of such a possible intervention in the local public space.
+
+**References**
+
+Aalbers, Manuel. 2017. *The financialization of housing: A political economy approach*. London: Routledge.
+
+Amnesty International. 2010. “Serbia: Stop the forced eviction of Roma settlements. London: AI.
+
+Archer, Rory. 2016. “Paid by the workers, occupied by the bureaucrats: Housing inequality in 1980s Belgrade.” In Rory Archer, Paul Stubbs, and Igor Duda (eds.), *Social inequality and discontent in Yugoslav socialism*, pp. 58–76. London: Routledge.
+
+Bobić, Mirjana. 2014. *Beskućnici*. Beograd: RZS.
+
+Bodnaŕ, Judit. 2001. *Fin de millénaire Budapest: Metamorphoses of urban life.* Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
+
+Buden, Boris. 2012. *Zona prelaska: O kraju postkomunizma*. Beograd: Fabrike knjiga.
+
+Čaldarović, Ognjen. 1975. “Neki pokazatelji prostorne socijalne diferencijacije i socijalne segregacije stanovništva Zagreba 197.” *Revija za sociologiju* 5: 58–66.
+
+Čolić-Damjanović, Vesna-Mila. 2015. *Unapređenje modela socijalnog stanovanja u Beogradu u okviru novih paradigm planiranja i projektovanja* (PhD thesis). Belgrade: Univerzitet u Beogradu. Arhitektonski fakultet.
+
+Ćurčić, Danilo. 2015, May 20. “Porez na siromaštvo.” *Peščanik*. Retrieved from http://pescanik.net/porez-na-siromastvo, last accessed October 30, 2016.
+
+Damjanović, Dušan and Žaklina Gligorijević (eds.). 2010. “Socijalno stanovanje: prikaz stambenih politika Srbije i odabranih zemalja Evrope.” 2010. Belgrade: Palgo centar and Urbanistički zavod Beograda.
+
+Değirmencioğlu, Serdar M., Walker, Karl (eds.). 2015. *Social and psychological dimensions of personal debt and the debt industry*. London: Palgrave and Macmillan.
+
+EUROSTAT. 2019. *Housing statistics*. Retrieved from https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php?title=Housing_statistics#Housing_quality, last accessed July 13, 2019.
+
+Fassin, Eric. 2017. “Foreword.” In Giovanni Picker, Racial cities: *Governance and the segregation of Romani people in urban Europe*. (pp. x–xii). London: Routledge.
+
+Fraser, Nancy. 2016. “Expropriation and exploitation in racialized capitalism: A reply to Michael Dawson.” *Critical Historical Studies* 3, no. 1: 163–78.
+
+Fraser, Nancy. 1997. *Justice interruptus: Critical reflections on the “postsocialist” condition*. New York: Routledge.
+
+Hegedus, Jozsef, Martin Lux, and Nora Teller (eds.). 2013. *Social housing in transition countries*. London: Routledge.
+
+Kirn, Gal. 2017. “A critique of transition studies on postsocialism, or how to rethink and reorient 1989? The case of (post)socialist (post)Yugoslavia.” In Marian Burchardt and Gal Kirn (eds.), *Beyond Neoliberalism: Social analysis after 1989* (pp. 43–68). London: Palgrave and Macmillan.
+
+Kovacs, Zoltan. 1999. “Cities from state-socialism to global capitalism: an introduction.” *GeoJournal* 49:1.
+
+Krstić, Iskra. 2018. “The housing policies in Yugoslavia.” In Vida Knežević and Marko Miletić (eds.), *We have built cities for you: On the contradictions of Yugoslav socialism* (pp. 283–286). Belgrade: Centar za kulturnu dekontaminaciju.
+
+Kuljić, Todor. 2018. *Prognani pojmovi*. Beograd: Clio.
+
+Lux, Martin and Petr Sunega. 2014. “Public housing in the post-socialist states of Central and Eastern Europe: Decline and an open future.” *Housing Studies* 29, no. 4: 501–19.
+
+Lux, Martin and Petr Sunega. 2013. “New social housing strategies in post-socialist state: Effectiveness, efficiency, and sustainability.” In Jozsef Hegedus, Martin Lux, and Nora Teller (eds.), *Social housing in transition* (pp. 307–330). London: Routledge.
+
+Macura, Vladimir and Jovo Samaržić. 2017. “Romski stan u brojevima.” In *Stanovanje Roma u Srbiji stanje i izazovi* . Beograd: SANU.
+
+Madden, David J. and Peter Marcuse. 2016. *In defense of housing: The politics of crisis*. London: Verso.
+
+Marcuse, Peter. 2002. “Cities in quarters.” In G. Bridge and S. Watson (eds.), *Companion to the City* (pp. 270–81). Malden: Blackwell Publishing.
+
+Marcuse, Peter. 1997. “The enclave, the citadel, and the ghetto. Whathas changed in the post-Fordist U.S. city.” *Urban Affairs Review* 33, no. 2: 228–64.
+
+Mikuš, Marek. 2019. “Contesting household debt in Croatia: The double movement of financialization and the fetishism of money in Eastern European peripheries.” *DialecticalAnthropology* 43, no. 3: 295–315.
+
+Neducin, Dejana and Milena Krkljes. 2017. “Post-socialism and urban transition: Transforming the socialist city.” *Facta Universitatis - Series: Architecture and Civil Engineering* 15, no. 3: 347–57.
+
+Ombudsman, 2012. “Container accommodation must be a temporary solution.” Retrieved from https://www.euractiv.rs/srbija-i-eu/4464-ombudsman-kontejnerski-smetaj-mora-biti-privremeno-reenje.
+
+Perović, Lj. 2013, November 8. “Poštovanje stanarskih prava ili iseljene iz Kamendina.” *Politika*. Retrieved from http://www.politika.rs/scc/clanak/275203/Postovanje-stanarskih-prava-ili-iseljenje-iz-Kamendina, last accessed October 30, 2016.
+
+Petrović, Mina. 2013. “Serbia: A patchwork of local options.” In Jozsef Hegedus, Martin Lux, Nora Teller (eds.). *Social Housing in Transition*, (pp. 241–261). London: Routledge.
+
+Petrović, Mina, Caterina Berescu, and Nora Teller. 2013. “Housing exclusion of the Roma: Living on the edge.” In: Jozsef Hegedus, Martin Lux, and Nora Teller (eds.). *Social housing in transition*, (pp. 98–115). London: Routledge.
+
+Phillips, Andrea and Fulya Erdemci (eds.). 2012. *Actor, agents and attendants: Social housing-housing the social: Art, property and spatial justice*. Berlin: Sternberg Press.
+
+Picker, Giovanni. 2017. *Racial cities: Governance and the segregation of Romani people in urban Europe*. London: Routledge.
+
+“Počinju iseljenja iz Kamendina?” 2012, October 16. *Večernje novosti.* Retrieved from http://www.novosti.rs/vesti/beograd.74.html:401599-Pocinju-iseljenja-iz-Kamendina, last accessed October 30, 2016.
+
+“Protest Roma zbog rušenja naselja” 2009, April 3. B92. Retrieved from https://www.b92.net/info/vesti/index.php?yyyy=2009&mm=04&dd=03&nav_category=12&nav_id=353579, last accessed February 16, 2019.
+
+Rolnik, Raquel. 2019. *Housing under the empire of finance: Urban warfare*. London: Verso.
+
+RZS (Republički zavod za statistiku). 2017. *Statistics*. Updated June 2017. Retrieved from http://data.stat.gov.rs/Home/Result/31020304?languageCode=sr-Latn#.
+
+Sardelić, Julija. 2018. “In and out from the European Margins: Reshuffling mobilities and legal statuses of Romani minorities between the post-Yugoslav space and the European Union.” *Social Identities* 24, no. 4: 489–504.
+
+Schwab, Eva. 2013. *Construction and governance of “unhygienic Roma settlements” in Belgrade. An anthropological investigation in urban citizenship rights* (Master thesis). Vienna: Universität Wien.
+
+Simeunović-Bajić, Nataša. 2013. “The representation of ethnic-cultural ‘otherness’: The Roma minority in Serbian press.” In Celin-Marie Pascale (ed.), *Social inequality and the politics of representation. A global landscape*, (pp. 66–81). Los Angeles: SAGE.
+
+Skenderija, J. Ž. and D. Ljutić. 2013, December 6. “Zemun Polje: Problem su Romi, šuga i krađe!” *Večernje Novosti*. Retrieved from http://www.novosti.rs/vesti/beograd.74.html:462515-Zemun-Polje-Problem-su-Romi-suga-i-kradje, last accessed February 16, 2019.
+
+Spry, Tami. 2011. *Body, paper, stage: Writing and performing autoethnography.* London: Routledge.
+
+Stojković, Dragan. 2003, March 8. “Sukob interesa građana Zemun Polja i gradske vlasti oko Kamendina: Zvižduci za visoke goste.” *Zemunaska hronika* no. 72/8.
+
+Tyler, Imogen. 2013. *Revolting subjects: Social abjection and resistance in neoliberal Britain*. London: Zed Books.
+
+Trnka, Susanna and Catherine Trundle. 2014. “Competing responsibilities: Moving beyond neoliberal responsibilisation.” *Anthropological Forum* 24, no. 2: 136–53.
+
+Tsenkova, S. 2009. *Housing policy reforms in post socialist Europe: Lost in transition*. Heidelberg: Physica-Verlag.
+
+Vilenica, Ana. 2017. “Contemporary housing activism in Serbia: Provisional mapping.” *Interface: Journal for and about Social Movements* 9, no. 1: 424–447.
+
+Vilenica, Ana and kuda.org. 2013. “’Prendiamoci la cita!’ (‘Preuzmimo grad!’) - Kako?” In *Na ruševinama kreativnog grada*, (pp.6–25). Novi Sad: kuda.org.
+
+Vujović, Sreten. 2017. “Stanovanje Roma u socijalističkoj Srbiji.” In *Stanovanje Roma u Srbiji stanje i izazovi*, (pp. 169–187). Beograd: SANU.
+
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+
+Wacquant, Loic J. D.1993. “Urban outcasts: Stigma and division in the black American Ghetto and French urban periphery.” *International Journal of Urban and Regional Planning*, 17(3):366–383.
+
+Watt, Paul. 2017. “Social housing and urban renewal: An introduction” in: Watt, Paul, and Peer Smets (eds.), *Social housing and urban renewal: A cross-national perspective*. Bingley, UK: Emerald Publishing.
+
+*Y03 Izveštaj o radu*. 2016. Belgrade: YUCOM.
+
+“Zakono socijalnoj zaštiti.” (Law on Social Welfare) 2011. *Službeni glasnik RS* br.24/2011.
+
+“Zakon o stanovanju i održavanju stambenih zgrada.” (Law on Housing and Building Maintenance) 2016. *Službeni glasnik RS* br. 104/16.
+
+Zemunska hronika. “Zemun Polje je i bukvalno gorelo u nedelju 9. marta, kao opomena za sve: Samo dogovorom do rešenja.” *Zemunska hronika* no. 73/22. March 2003.

content/session/takewhatyouneed.md

@@ -41,9 +41,10 @@ The forms of care that we want to see don't exist yet, so we can't cite them, bu
 
 ## Recommended Reading
 
-- ![](bib:477f2a00-582d-451b-ab26-b4128d560ec8)
+- Sick Women Theory
+  - Sick Woman Theory http://maskmagazine.com/not-again/struggle/sick-woman-theory
   - Not every form of resistance will take place in the streets, because it can't. "Sick Woman Theory is an insistence that most modes of political protest are internalized, lived, embodied, suffering, and no doubt invisible." Care for ourselves and one another as protest and as refusal of the capitalist logic that declares all of us who are "sick" (physically ill, mentally ill, traumatized, oppressed) to be disposable, not meant to survive.
-
+        
 - This Cat
   - Basically, we saw this cat just when we needed to, and we hope you have the same experience. Such an inspiration.
   - ![](/images/cat.jpg)
@@ -55,11 +56,11 @@ The forms of care that we want to see don't exist yet, so we can't cite them, bu
   - Practical suggestions for turning your queer affinity group into a queer gang.
 
 - ![](bib:ea0c13d9-9d12-4edd-8e6b-98a36f91494b)
-  - The historic German collective that coined the phrase 'Turn Illness Into Weapon' here outlines some of their powerful lingo and theory against the health dictatorship. They have a lot of other great texts throughout the years that speak to many of the theoretical issues addressed in this syllabus, but directly from the perspective of the mad.
-
+  - The historic German collective that coined the phrase 'Turn Illness Into Weapon' here outlines some of their powerful lingo and theory against the health dictatorship. They have a lot of other great texts throughout the years that speak to many of the theoretical issues addressed in this syllabus, but directly from the perspective of the mad. 
+        
 - ![](bib:a9b1305f-01d6-4bda-82c4-83369791e312)
   - Skullcap saved my life, no joke. We get a lot of inspiration from plants, but all the things you can learn from them don't always translate into text so seamlessly. This one is an all around great nervine that will chill you out in that mild way that you might need when you're bouncing off the walls or stirring with thoughts.
-
+  
 ## Further Reading
 
 - ![](bib:b9b729c2-8a50-4ef2-ac1a-a563835b96dd)
@@ -68,7 +69,7 @@ The forms of care that we want to see don't exist yet, so we can't cite them, bu
 - A few articles from Herbs for Mental Health
   - An overview of the different ways that plants can support mental/emotional health. ![](bib:c24af9e4-4a81-4f48-abe6-d5874f24bade)
   - ...and a discussion of non-psychiatric, community and nature focused tools for living with the ongoing stress and trauma of oppression. ![](bib:178e3cd3-6082-426f-ac36-6a377f1c5396)
-
+  
 ## Discussion
 
 - How can we help you? How can we help each other? What do you need? What does your crew need to keep going, to keep fighting, in this world that might otherwise want us to shut the fuck up?

content/session/techandhousingstruggles.md

@@ -4,18 +4,130 @@ title: "Tech and Housing Struggles"
 
 # Is the use of technology in housing neutral?
 
-Over the last decade(s), rapidly shifting technological landscapes have combined with the trends of financialization affecting the housing in myriads of ways. Although technology as such is represented as neutral, it is not neutral and has significant implications on the social and economic relation, including the impact it has on the financial accumulation, where extraction is facilitated by use of technology, and the housing governance where technology obscures human agency. 
+Over the last decade(s), rapidly shifting technological landscapes have combined with the trends of financialization affecting the housing in myriads of ways. Although technology as such is represented as neutral, it is not neutral and has significant implications on the social and economic relation, including the impact it has on the financial accumulation, where extraction is facilitated by use of technology, and the housing governance where technology obscures human agency.
 
-Digital technology, in particular, comprises a terrain struggle over housing that has been emerging as central in the last couple of years. Proposed resources will help in opening the discussion about the politics of digital technologies in the domain of housing, about new forms of accumulation through tech, and about new terrains of struggle in which a confrontation is aimed at the effects of technology. 
+Digital technology, in particular, comprises a terrain struggle over housing that has been emerging as central in the last couple of years. Proposed resources will help in opening the discussion about the politics of digital technologies in the domain of housing, about new forms of accumulation through tech, and about new terrains of struggle in which a confrontation is aimed at the effects of technology.
 
 ## Proposed resources
 
-- **Read about the impact of different tech practices on housing:** 
-    - ![](bib:0cc1ba64-f961-45bb-b98d-c1215a68061d) 
+- **Read about the impact of different tech practices on housing:**
+    - ![](bib:0cc1ba64-f961-45bb-b98d-c1215a68061d)
     - ![](bib:b54290a4-1d9e-4756-8164-a008191df20e)
-- **How to use tech in housing struggles:** 
+- **How to use tech in housing struggles:**
     - [Housing Data Coalition](https://www.housingdatanyc.org/)
 
 ## How to learn together
 
 Read the proposed articles before you come to the session. Split into smaller groups. Each group has to choose one project of Housing Data Coalition and look into it closely. Make notes. Come back together and report back what you have learned. Discuss the differences in the impacts of technology that you have mapped. Write down the questions that you were unable to answer. Share your notes with other Pirate Care Syllabus users.
+
+{{< raw >}}
+<div class="pagebreak" style="font-family: vg5000-regular,sans; font-size: 1rem; padding-top: 2rem; padding-bottom: 2rem; color: #996561">▒  ☠ ▒ ▒▒▒ ▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒ 🐟▒ ☄ ▒▒▒▒ ▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒▒</div>
+{{< /raw >}}
+
+# Erin McElroy: ‘Disruption at the Doorstep’
+**In *Urban Omnibus*, November 06, 2019**
+
+{{< figure src="/images/01_Atlantic-Plaza-Towers.jpg" width="100%" title="Figure 1. The entrance to Atlantic Plaza Towers. Photo by Amy Howden-Chapman" >}}
+
+In 2018, many of the rent-stabilized tenants at the two-building, 718-unit Atlantic Plaza Towers received notice from their landlord, Nelson Management, that their wireless [key-fob](https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2010/10/tech-etymology-key-fob/64638/) entrance system would be replaced with biometric facial recognition technology. Even though they had been required to submit photos of themselves in order to obtain fobs in the first place — and despite the presence of other surveillance systems throughout the complex, including multiple CCTV cameras — tenants were informed that this new system would ensure their safety by keeping keys out of the hands of "the wrong people." Marketed as the True Frictionless™ Solution, this new facial recognition system was developed by the Kansas-based company
+StoneLock, which serves up to [40 percent of Fortune 100 companies,
+along with several government entities](https://www.stonelock.com/news/press-release-news/stonelock-unveils-next-generation-of-biometric-identity-management-solutions-at-gsx/).
+
+This is the first publicly known instance of StoneLock endeavoring to
+deploy its facial recognition product in a New York City housing complex, though biometric technology, developed by other companies, has already been installed in residences throughout the city, such as the [Knickerbocker Village](https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2569327/It-never-forgets-face-Manhattan-apartment-building-uses-facial-recognition-entry.html) affordable housing complex in the Lower East Side. Not coincidentally, StoneLock's first foray into residential facial recognition will be put to use in surveilling predominantly Black women tenants, many of whom have questioned Nelson Management's decision to test the company's product in in Brownsville, Brooklyn, as opposed to [one of the landlord's other properties](https://nelsonmanagementgroup.net/nmg-portfolio/) in a more affluent area of the city.
+
+{{< figure src="/images/StoneLock_Heatmap.jpg" width="100%" title="Figure 2. Screenshot of a proprietary, facial recognition “Identity Heatmap” created by Stonelock’s True Frictionless™ Solution. The product uses “near-infrared wavelengths… invisible to the eye… to generate unique biometric metadata” displayed as an anonymized multi-colored figure." >}}
+
+Like dozens of other surveillance systems being rolled out in multifamily residences, commercial buildings, and industrial complexes globally, StoneLock's True Frictionless™ Solution is part of a burgeoning class of property technology, or [proptech](https://www.publicbooks.org/uploading-housing-inequality-digitizing-housing-justice/) for short (also called real estate technology, or realtech). The last several years have seen a proliferation of proptech companies and platforms reshaping multiple domains of urban life, including the provision, consumption, and management of residential space. Often, proptech entails some configuration of artificial intelligence (AI), the Internet of Things (IoT), machine learning, user dashboards, software, data harvesting, and hardware. It can be difficult to categorize its multiple genres, particularly as many are combined, but proptech can be roughly taxonomized as rental housing management (tenant screening, payment, and maintenance), smart home development, keyless entry surveillance systems, sharing economy platforms, virtual reality-based home sales and rentals, tenant matching, and property database platforms. While aligned with "smart city" rhetoric, proptech makes explicit that private property relations are at the heart of its technological innovations, with companies in this sector catering to landlords (both private and public) who seek to automate the management of their portfolios.
+
+My interest in these emerging technologies, and their often-negative impacts, comes out of longstanding tenant organizing efforts that I have been involved with in the San Francisco Bay Area and in Romania. It is also inspired by research undertaken by a digital cartography collective, [the Anti-Eviction Mapping Project (AEMP)](https://www.antievictionmap.com/), which I cofounded in 2013 in San Francisco (and which now maintains chapters in New York City and Los Angeles as well). Across multiple cities, I have witnessed and analyzed
+how real estate and technology platforms often work in conjunction to [displace and target poor and working-class tenants of color](https://www.nytimes.com/2019/09/24/us/politics/facial-recognition-technology-housing.html). Proptech extends this tendency, while also signaling the merger of two leading global industries, Big Tech and Real Estate, that hinge upon the
+accumulation of property — data and land, respectively. Proptech collapses these two property regimes, leading to the heightened dispossession of people long targeted by both.
+
+{{< figure src="/images/WorstEvictorsMap_Brownsville_v2.jpg" width="100%" title="Figure 3. Detail of Brownsville from the New York City's (https://www.worstevictorsnyc.org/map) Worst Evictors Map produced by the Anti-Eviction Mapping Project in partnership with The Right to Counsel NYC Coalition and JustFix.nyc." >}}
+
+**Frictionless Fictions**
+
+At a recent proptech conference I attended near Wall Street, aficionados
+of the technology used the word "friction" a dozen times, always likening it to a slowness or hindrance to be overcome through technical means. "Frictionlessness," on the other hand, implies ease, cost cutting, and the ability to capitalize upon the consumer desires of young, affluent people --- for instance, smart buildings, fast internet, and integration with delivery services. As Robert Nelson (the owner of Nelson Management and a self-described "tech geek") [proclaimed](https://www.nytimes.com/2019/03/28/nyregion/rent-stabilized-buildings-facial-recognition.html) to his tenants by way of a flyer: "Your daily access experience will be frictionless, meaning you touch nothing and show only your face. From now on the doorway will just recognize you!" And as StoneLock [advertises](https://www.stonelock.com/news/press-release-news/stonelock-unveils-next-generation-of-biometric-identity-management-solutions-at-gsx/), their products (including, of course, the True Frictionless™ Solution) will provide users with "frictionless access," so that they "just GO!" A key corollary to "frictionlessness" in proptech parlance is "safety." Ari Teman, a former comedian and engineer who created the "virtual
+doorman" system [GateGuard](https://gateguard.xyz/), which utilizes facial recognition, has [defended](https://therealdeal.com/issues_articles/big-brother/) proptech by advocating that "surveillance can make you feel safe," and suggested that his product enables tenants to keep illegal subletters
+and unwelcome people from entering their building.
+
+{{< figure src="/images/04_GateGuard_screenshot.jpg" width="100%" title="Figure 4. Screenshot from an animated promotional video for GateGuard." >}}
+
+Yet proptech's "frictionless" and "safe" qualities come at the cost of
+accountability to its users and the public. Beyond causing discomfort
+and concerns about privacy, proptech presents novel threats to the
+safety and stability of vulnerable tenants. GateGuard has been installed
+in roughly 1,000 residential buildings throughout New York City,
+although Teman (like other proptech developers) has refused to publicize
+these locations. Likewise, during a City Council hearing I attended in
+October 2019, city agencies (including the Department of Information
+Technology, Department of Buildings, and Department of Consumer and
+Worker Protection) claimed to have neither any knowledge of where
+residential facial recognition is installed, nor the capacity to map it.
+And though the purpose of this hearing was to discuss requirements for
+businesses and residences to disclose their use of "biometric identifier
+technology," and to provide physical keys to tenants if requested, it
+has become clear that while proptech maintains an opaque public profile,
+most people monitored by these technologies don't get the option of
+consenting to being a test subject.
+
+{{< figure src="/images/05_Knickerbocker_Village_and_Lower_Manhattan_-_altered_article-width.jpg" width="100%" title="Figure 5. The Knickerbocker Village housing complex, which adopted a facial recognition entrance system in 2014. Photo by jqpubliq (via Wikimedia Commons)" >}}
+
+In 2014, entrances throughout the twelve-building Knickerbocker Village
+complex — regulated by New York State Homes and Community Renewal (HCR), the state's affordable housing agency — [were outfitted with FST21 SafeRise](https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2569327/It-never-forgets-face-Manhattan-apartment-building-uses-facial-recognition-entry.html), a facial recognition product created by former Israel Defense Forces Major, General Aharon Farkash. During the City Council's hearing, one Knickerbocker Village tenant named Christina Zhang recounted stories of how this system has been implemented in her building. For one, the technology often simply fails to work properly, forcing tenants to line up and dance in front of the cameras, hoping that their movements will inspire recognition. But of greater concern, the complex's tenants — 70 percent of whom are Asian, and many of whom are immigrants — have no idea what the data being collected from them is used for, and have expressed fears for their biometric information ending up in the hands of the NYPD or ICE, both of which are known to use [facial recognition](https://www.wsj.com/articles/lawmakers-set-their-sights-on-facial-recognition-11559700360?mod=article_inline) and [surveillance technologies](https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/02/magazine/ice-surveillance-deportation.html) to identify suspects and track undocumented people.
+
+{{< figure src="/images/06_Tranae-Moran.jpg" width="100%" title="Figure 6. Tranae Moran, a tenant activist from Atlantic Plaza Towers, at the City Council's October 2019 hearing on facial recognition and biometric data collection. Photo by Erin McElroy" >}}
+
+Several tenants from Atlantic Plaza Towers testified at this hearing as well, voicing unease about proptech's harvesting of biometric data. Yet efforts to organize against the use of facial recognition had been brewing in the Brownsville complex for over a year. In 2018, when Nelson Management announced the installation of the True Frictionless™ Solution via paper mailings, many tenants were left in the dark. A prior stipulation had required residents be photographed in order to receive mailbox keys, and some had refused this request. In response, five tenants, all Black women, convened in the lobby of one of the buildings on an October morning to inform their neighbors in person about StoneLock's system. Soon after, these women received notice from Nelson
+that they had been recorded by the lobby's half-dozen, 360-degree cameras, and were incorrectly informed that their ["loitering" was illegal](https://www.nytimes.com/2019/03/28/nyregion/rent-stabilized-buildings-facial-recognition.html) and would have to stop. A follow-up announcement of the impending facial recognition system was then made public, listing the name of every tenant and their apartment number in the building. One tenant named Anita, who had been flyering in her building, decried this incident during the City Council hearing: "Privacy be damned!"
+
+Resident [Fabian Rogers](https://symposium.ainowinstitute.org/fabian-rogers), who has been on the frontlines of the campaign against facial recognition, also described his experience living with the technology: "I had many concerns as a tenant, and security was not one of them. It was the landlord's concern, and it was imposed on me. I already feel well enough surveilled with all the cameras and key fobs that exist. I kind of feel like a criminal even though I pay my rent on time." Beyond taking issue with the security theater of facial recognition, tenants expressed little faith in Nelson's claim that their biometric data would remain secure, and speculated that, if facing threat of eviction, this information could be potentially used against them in housing court. For these reasons — and because StoneLock's system will give the company
+access, without tenants' consent, to nearly 5,000 new faces with which test its algorithms — Atlantic Plaza Towers tenants have been advocating for a ban on facial recognition in the city altogether.
+
+{{< figure src="/images/07_fabian-rogers.jpg" width="100%" title="Figure 6. Fabian Rogers and other Atlantic Plaza tenants testifying at the City Council’s hearing on facial recognition and biometric data collection. Photo by Erin McElroy" >}}
+
+These tenants realize the technological changes being imposed upon them are not for their benefit, but for the “frictionless” experiences and “safety” of future gentrifiers yet to arrive. Atlantic Plaza Towers was built for middle-income families as part of the state-run Mitchell-Lama program in the 1950s, and it remains relatively affordable today, having just gained rent stabilization status two years ago. Yet with the ongoing gentrification of Brownsville and increased number of evictions, affordable housing and services are increasingly harder to come by. As Anita observed, “Tenants have so many issues that need to be addressed, but now we’re dealing with this . . . So poor people like me can’t live here anymore. I’m pissed at what’s going on. So many people in the neighborhood are being pushed out . . . Please consider this a tragedy waiting to happen.”
+
+**The Property of Data**
+
+While the struggle at Atlantic Plaza Towers has drawn public attention to how proptech can amplify tenant insecurity, the database systems that proptech hardware feeds into and supplies with new information, biometric and otherwise, remain obscure. For instance, Ari Teman's GateGuard has the ability to integrate with one of his company's other products, PropertyPanel.xyz, a proprietary database and dashboard platform for New York City landlords to use in acquisitions and property management. PropertyPanel.xyz allows purchasers to gather an array of information about buildings, and to "[target](https://propertypanel.xyz/)" properties based upon value, debt, rent stabilization, ownership, air rights, size, and other criteria. Purchasers can also obtain alerts to violations and complaints, communicate with building staff, screen vendors, and are given the option to integrate PropertyPanel.xyz with yet another Teman product, [SubletSpy](https://subletspy.com/), which monitors Airbnb tenants for potential infractions. Upon purchase of GateGuard, landlords
+and property managers consent to Teman accessing "any property of yours, digital or real world, in any method, for any purpose," including for the purposes of plugging data into PropertyPanel.xyz. No other clarifying information is given as to how this data may be used, or how it might facilitate the training of biometric algorithms.
+
+{{< figure src="/images/08_PropertyPanelxyz.jpg" width="100%" title="Figure 7. Screenshot of a PropertyPanel.xyz dashboard demo." >}}
+
+Before inventing this suite of interconnected proptech products, Teman
+first created the startup [Friend or Fraud Inc.](https://angel.co/company/friend-or-fraud), which developed software to verify internet users' identities through video-analyzing machine vision, replete with breath and heartrate monitors. Today, he employs a team of workers across the US, Israel, and Eastern Europe who assist 100 landlords and property management companies in New York City, Miami, Chicago, and Los Angeles. Teman first invented SubletSpy in 2014 following an Airbnb experience in which, after renting his New York apartment on the platform, he returned to find the remnants of a well-attended sex party. Teman filed a complaint to Airbnb, but rather than resolving the matter, this action landed him on a "bad tenant" database, making it nearly impossible to find a new apartment in the city.
+
+These inscrutable databases are often compiled by third-party "[data brokers](https://www.vice.com/en_us/article/bjpx3w/what-are-data-brokers-and-how-to-stop-my-private-data-collection)," who supply a vast number of individuals' personal information to landlords, marketers, and government agencies. In some instances, these brokers operate public platforms such as
+[MyLife.com™](https://www.reddit.com/r/legaladvice/comments/9te7fs/mylifecom_has_a_profile_on_me_with_identifying/) which gathers information from Facebook, LinkedIn, Twitter, Gmail, Yahoo, AOL, Outlook, school yearbooks, Ancestry.com and more to assign "reputation scores" to [a claimed 325 million "verified identities."](https://www.accesswire.com/537395/MyLife-Launches-Online-Homeservice-Marketplaces-Reputation-Score-Dual-Profile-Rating-Solution-to-Enhance-Safety-and-Trust) Other prominent data brokers such as Oracle, Experian, and Equifax buy and sell personal information related to a renter's credit history. Recently, it was [revealed](https://twitter.com/RayRedacted/status/1173295266830700556?s=20) that Experian offered to raise users' FICO scores in exchange for credit card passwords, allowing the company to scan a user's purchase history into their databases and sell this information to third parties. Not only is credit reporting often discriminatory ([particularly in regards to mortgage lending](https://www.theroot.com/redlining-2-0-how-banks-block-black-homebuyers-1823083306)
+and rental payment history — an issue amplified during the 2008 subprime crisis), but like information brokerage at large, it [alienates
+and reduces](https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1160&context=usp_fac) individuals into disaggregated data points. There have also been numerous instances of personal and biometric data being [sold](https://www.fastcompany.com/90310803/here-are-the-data-brokers-quietly-buying-and-selling-your-personal-information)
+(and occasionally [hacked](https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2019/aug/14/major-breach-found-in-biometrics-system-used-by-banks-uk-police-and-defence-firms)) by third parties without consent or even the knowledge of the individual supplying the data.
+
+Proptech companies such as [Avail](https://www.avail.co/) and [Cozy](https://cozy.co/) (both marketed to small-scale, individual landlords) have entered into this space as well, developing digital products and platforms for the express purpose of screening tenants. CoreLogic, headquartered in California, has developed one of the most comprehensive residential database and tenant screening systems, with records spanning 50 years, 145 million parcels, and 99.9 percent of US property records. Their access to arrest records spans over 70 percent of the US's population centers, and interfaces with law enforcement
+agencies throughout the country. Updated every 15 minutes, this system includes over 80 million booking and incarceration records from roughly 2,000 facilities. CoreLogic also sources and returns data from the FBI and other federal agencies, promising to enable landlords in identifying "terrorists." Furthermore, the company's Registry CrimSAFE product bundle advertises its ability to seamlessly implement landlord policies, and "optimize" Fair Housing compliance. Yet, since releasing CrimSAFE, CoreLogic has been faced with a lawsuit over its algorithm which, according to the Connecticut Fair Housing Center, "disproportionately disqualifies African Americans and Latinos." Meanwhile, much of the data being mined by CoreLogic, especially that maintained by law enforcement, [is plagued with inaccuracies and racial biases](https://www.nyulawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/NYULawReview-94-Richardson-Schultz-Crawford.pdf).
+
+While it is unclear exactly which database system Teman appeared on, it is clear that, as a wealthy white man, he is not the type of person generally profiled by proptech database bundles. But in response to his own blacklisting, rather than getting involved in racial or data justice work, Teman chose instead to invent SubletSpy. Thus, Ari Teman, himself once a victim of proptech platforms and databases, weaponized tenant profiling technology for his own personal gain.
+
+**The Struggle Against Data-Driven Discrimination**
+
+While they may not have Teman's resources, housing and technology justice advocates and their allies have been pushing back against proptech's embedded biases and racist effects. In May 2019, Brooklyn Legal Services (BLS), a legal non-profit representing Atlantic Plaza tenants in their struggle against surveillance, [composed a letter](https://www.legalservicesnyc.org/storage/PDFs/%20opposition%20to%20facial%20recognition%20entry%20system%20app.pdf)
+to HCR noting that facial recognition indicates a dramatic shift in Nelson's prior practices of landlordism. One BLS lawyer, Samar Katnani, has further [argued](https://ny.curbed.com/2019/7/29/8934279/bill-ban-facial-recognition-public-housing-brooklyn-nyc) that "the ability to enter your home should not be conditioned on the surrender of your biometric data, particularly when the landlord's collection, storage, and use of such data is untested and unregulated.
+
+{{< figure src="/images/09_City-Council-Hearing.jpg" width="100%" title="Figure 8. A group of tenants from Atlantic Plaza Towers and BLS lawyers at the City Council hearing on facial recognition and biometric data collection. Photo by Erin McElroy" >}}
+
+Meanwhile, scholars at New York University's [AI Now Institute](https://ainowinstitute.org/) (an interdisciplinary research center dedicated to studying the social implications of advanced technical systems, of which I am a part) also wrote an expert [letter](https://ainowinstitute.org/dhcr-amici-letter-043019.pdf) in support of the tenants, describing how facial recognition systems for residential entry are bound to fail in accurately identifying tenants of color, women, and gender minorities. Numerous studies have shown that machine learning algorithms, disproportionately built and trained by white men, discriminate on the basis of gender and race, with women of color misclassified with error rates of [nearly 40 percent](https://ainowinstitute.org/AI_Now_2018_Report.pdf), compared to [one to five percent](http://proceedings.mlr.press/v81/buolamwini18a.html) for white men. AI systems, particularly for facial recognition tools, rely upon machine learning algorithms trained with data. Physiognomic labels related to hair, skin, facial structure, and more are codified into racial and gender classifications, echoing [19th-century, pseudoscientific ideas about race and eugenics](https://www.vox.com/future-perfect/2019/4/19/18412674/ai-bias-facial-recognition-black-gay-transgender). And while facial recognition algorithms have been shown to be largely inaccurate in identifying women and Black people, it is still Black people being targeted most by them, and stopped and subjected to searches in facial recognition databases by police, often resulting in false positive identifications. This has led cities such as San Francisco, Oakland, and Somerville to recently ban the use of facial recognition by government agencies altogether.
+
+The pressure applied by Atlantic Plaza Towers tenants has helped paved the way for Brooklyn-based Congresswoman Yvette Clarke to introduce a bill in the US House of Representatives named "[No Biometric Barriers to Housing Act](https://drive.google.com/file/d/1w4ee-poGkDJUkcEMTEAVqHNunplvR087/view)" that would prohibit facial, voice, fingerprint, and DNA identification technologies in public housing. The bill would also require the US Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) to report on biometric systems used in federally-assisted public housing in the last five years. Despite these potential legislative gains for public housing tenants, HUD has recently proposed [alarming alterations](https://ainowinstitute.org/ainow-cril-october-2019-hud-comments.pdf) to the 1968 Fair Housing Act (FHA) --- an offspring of the civil rights era outlawing housing discrimination against people of color. The Fair
+Housing Act requires local governments that receive HUD funding [to address segregation, disinvestment, and displacement in their communities](http://calreinvest.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/Disrupting-Displacement-Financing.pdf). But as investigative reporters Aaron Glantz and Emmanuel Martinez [write](http://revealnews.org/article/can-algorithms-be-racist-trumps-housing-department-says-no/), under new proposed regulations, a company accused of discrimination in housing "would be able to 'defeat' that claim if an algorithm is involved." In this way, the "[gentrifier-in-chief](https://abolitionjournal.org/in-the-time-of-trump-housing-whiteness-and-abolition/),"
+president of the "[real estate state](http://societyandspace.org/2019/05/01/review-forum-capital-city-by-samuel-stein/)," has made himself the new vanguard of racist proptech algorithms.
+
+Following the October 2019 City Council hearing on facial recognition, New York City agencies may implement changes to mitigate facial recognition's impacts. But as the tenants of Atlantic Plaza Towers eloquently made clear, their demand is not for band-aid mitigations, but for a ban on facial recognition in New York City. The presence of already-existing security measures made tenants in Atlantic Plaza Towers feel policed in their homes long before their landlord introduced the possibility of facial recognition. Against the backdrop of gentrification, the insinuation of criminality and evictability are often used to maintain what Brenna Bhandar (citing legal scholar Cheryl Harris) calls the "[whiteness of property](https://www.dukeupress.edu/Assets/PubMaterials/978-0-8223-7146-5_601.pdf)." According to Bhandar, the ownership of property in places marked by the histories of colonialism and the slave trade is rooted in a "[modern racial
+regime](https://www.dukeupress.edu/Assets/PubMaterials/978-0-8223-7146-5_601.pdf)" dependent upon the dispossession of real property and data. Proptech has the potential to accelerate both forms of dispossession through the non-consensual mining of, and capitalizing upon, people's intimate data
+— what can be described as "data colonialism" — which [updates processes of settler colonialism](http://press-files.anu.edu.au/downloads/press/n2140/pdf/book.pdf?referer=2140) and [occupation](https://antipodeonline.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/6-andrea-miller.pdf) for the digital age. Yet it also sits upon a thick palimpsest of older property schemas and the information systems supporting these regimes. One could trace proptech's lineage back to the earliest moments of settler colonialism and the technologies it employed to gather data, map land, and dispossess Indigenous populations, or more recently to the [redlining](https://dsl.richmond.edu/panorama/redlining/#loc=15/40.757/-74.002&city=hudson-co.-nj) of communities of color during the mid-20th century. Given the potential for racist abuses in the future, and the inability of the city, landlords, and proptech companies to make transparent where and how new, "frictionless" tools function, a ban is the only just future — friction-filled as it may be.
+
+> This research has received support from the British Academy's Tackling the UK's International Challenges program. The author would like to thank the brilliant tenants of Atlantic Plaza Towers for their organizing work and analysis, and the AI Now Institute and Rashida Richardson for feedback and support in writing this article.
+
+**Erin McElroy** is a postdoctoral researcher at New York University’s AI Now Institute focusing on proptech and technologies of gentrification. Erin is also a cofounder of both the Anti-Eviction Mapping Project and the Radical Housing Journal. Erin received a PhD in Feminist Studies from the University of California, Santa Cruz for a project on race, technology, and dispossession in postsocialist Romania, and continues to organize with housing justice collectives in both the US and Romania today.

content/session/transgenerationalassembly.md

@@ -5,7 +5,7 @@ title: "Transgenerational Assembly"
 # Follow the kids' lead
 
 ![](static/topic/commoningcare/transgenerationalassembly/a_NO_ES_NO.jpg)
-This workshop is designed for a group of families who are planning to build a pirate kindergarten in order to common childcare. The workshop can be conceived as a stand-alone session, however we suggest to take a second collective moment in order to organize the workshop ![](session:howtobuildapiratekindergarteninyourneighbourhood.md).
+This workshop is designed for a group of families who are planning to build a pirate kindergarten in order to common childcare. The workshop can be conceived as a stand-alone session, however we suggest to take a second collective moment in order to organize the workshop ![](session:howtobuildapiratekindergarteninyourneighbourhood.md). 
 
 ## Timing
 
@@ -36,23 +36,23 @@ Find together a place where to rest or drink something. Discuss with children wh
 # Bibliography
 
 - ![](bib:35d2659f-ea56-48ec-b150-239b25c8d2ff)
-- ![](bib:a7a82163-c511-4e7c-b03c-a1416f656e8f)
+- Perlstein, Daniel. ‘Teaching Freedom: SNCC and the Creation of the Mississippi Freedom Schools’, History of Education Quarterly 30.3 (Autumn 1990): 302. http://faculty.washington.edu/joyann/EDLPS549Bwinter2008/Perlstein.pdf
 - ![](bib:31e2235a-2aa6-4afc-9cc6-151026d44d11)
 - ![](bib:2db196e5-715c-4818-90e0-0fe8fa930142)
 - ![](bib:d5ea8d76-7940-4e35-8ace-8cd6572aec37)
 - Codello, Francesco. La campanella non suona più. Fine dei sistemi scolastici e alternative libertarie possibili. Edizioni La Baronata, 2015.
 - Denti, Roberto. Conversazioni con Marcello Bernardi. Il libertario intollerante. Elèuthera, 1996.
-- ![](bib:b8d827eb-f91e-46c0-a298-3744a052b98f)
-- ![](bib:b220a76e-2b8e-436f-89a0-29a0a0fe7306)
+- Fachinelli, Elvio. Il Bambino Dalle Uova D’oro. Feltrinelli Editore, 1974.
+- Fachinelli, Elvio, Luisa Muraro, and Giuseppe Sartori. L’erba voglio: pratica non autoritaria nella scuola. Einaudi, 1973.
 - ![](bib:ab4f46c1-f7ee-474c-b3b1-62342e5eb3a9)
 - ![](bib:8192d562-6dbd-44a4-a565-d61620b85ab1)
 - ![](bib:d1fa7808-74ba-4086-9a9e-bb26c2a0db5d)
-- ![](bib:32bf2600-0c8d-48f0-85b8-9a7be2c507ad)
+- Meschiari, Matteo. Bambini. Un manifesto politico. Armillaria, 2018.
 - Mottana, Paolo, and Giuseppe Campagnoli. La città educante. Manifesto della educazione diffusa. Come oltrepassare la scuola. Asterios, 2016. 
 - ![](bib:92cc3f21-7121-48cf-85cd-a9d30347df23)
 - Nielsen, Palle, and Lars Bang Larsen. The Model: A Model for a Qualitative Society (1968). MACBA, 2010.
-- ![](bib:e8ba813d-949b-4311-922f-e82851e5db01)
+- Dolci, Danilo. For the Young. Macgibbon & Kee, 1967.
 - Cristina, Vega Solís. Culturas del cuidado en transición: Espacios, sujetos e imaginarios en una sociedad de migración. Editorial UOC, 2016.
-- ![](bib:50e131bb-5995-4844-95d2-579c85989e7e)
-- ![](bib:084d8e4b-d976-4dcd-8156-379cbb2abeea)
+- Milani, don Lorenzo. La scuola della disobbedienza. Chiarelettere, 2011.
+- Barbiana, Scuola di, and Lorenzo Milani. Lettera a una professoressa. Mondadori, 2017.

 - List of sources by and on Paolo Freire: https://guides.library.utoronto.ca/c.php?g=510986&p=3514588

content/session/undoingdivisioncarer.md

@@ -4,25 +4,25 @@ title: "Undoing the division carer / cared for"
 
 # Session 4: Undoing the division carer / cared for
 
-## Introduction
+**Introduction**
 
 In this session, we look at the strategies used by Sea Watch to make visible own biases in terms of latent sexism and racism as well as their influence on organizational practices and structures. We reflect on the potential pitfalls of power implicit in the giving and receiving different kinds of caring, restraints and limits to undoing of the division between care givers and recipients, and available ways to puncture and dilute these diving lines.
 
-## Let’s learn together
+## **Let’s learn together**
 
-### Step 1: Lets’s read
+**Step 1: Lets’s read**
 
 Participants read aloud:
 
-* The chapter “Talking Race and Racism”, starting with last paragraph on the page 29, from
+* The chapter “Talking Race and Racism”, starting with last paragraph on the page 29, from 
 ![](bib:115342a9-aa81-4dac-a27b-bc17275885da)
 
 
-* The paragraph “And we learn-teach” from
+* The paragraph “And we learn-teach” from 
 ![](bib:16e8a72c-8735-47d4-b568-3481b1bb95a8)
 
-
 * Pages 120-127 from ![](bib:b554f781-19ca-48e6-a7bd-d64979c0ab5d)
+ 
 
 
 * Statements from ![](bib:25eeedd6-33c3-40cd-8367-7d05c569fc9c):
@@ -32,29 +32,29 @@ Participants read aloud:
     - “Ethics of care...demands that meeting the needs of the vulnerable be seen as valuable” p.132
 
 
-### Step 2: Let’s talk about how we talk
+**Step 2: Let’s talk about how we talk**
 
-Share mixed experiences, lessons learned, and strategies of the activist group / organization as well as those of the activists, related to sexism and racism. Look into:
+Share mixed experiences, lessons learned, and strategies of the activist group / organization as well as those of the activists, related to sexism and racism. Look into: 
 
-(1) unstructured, spontaneous or ad hoc conversations around sexism and/or racism,
+(1) unstructured, spontaneous or ad hoc conversations around sexism and/or racism, 
 
-(2) internal organizational mechanisms for responding to denounced instances of sexism/racism on the ship,
+(2) internal organizational mechanisms for responding to denounced instances of sexism/racism on the ship, 
 
-(3) conversations among carers (crew) and cared for (guests) that touch issues of sexism/racism,
+(3) conversations among carers (crew) and cared for (guests) that touch issues of sexism/racism, 
 
-(4) interventions of the carers (crew) in situations of sexism/racism among cared for-s (guests), and
+(4) interventions of the carers (crew) in situations of sexism/racism among cared for-s (guests), and 
 
 (5) working groups active on the issues of sexism/racism. Give examples. Open for discussion.
 
-### Step 3: Guests and hosts
+**Step 3: Guests and hosts**
 
-Explain the constraints on the undoing of the carer/cared for division. On the Sea Watch 3, these are:
+Explain the constraints on the undoing of the carer/cared for division. On the Sea Watch 3, these are: 
 
-(1) temporal dimension of the relationship between the crew and the guests on board – short time spans, at least before the times of long stand-offs,
+(1) temporal dimension of the relationship between the crew and the guests on board – short time spans, at least before the times of long stand-offs, 
 
-(2) logistical, skilled workload, security and safety issues that are basis for control mechanisms (e.g. taking away lighters from guests, not allowing them to certain spaces in/on the ship, not including them in work that requires specific skills) and coordination mechanisms, and
+(2) logistical, skilled workload, security and safety issues that are basis for control mechanisms (e.g. taking away lighters from guests, not allowing them to certain spaces in/on the ship, not including them in work that requires specific skills) and coordination mechanisms, and 
 
 (3) issues of psychosocial and physical vulnerability – different survivors need different care, all carry traumas, some require specific medical care…
 
 
-Think which of these, and to what extent, should and can be undone or modified in a way that introduces more mutuality, and which should not and/or cannot.  Examples of challenging the clean division of recipients and givers of care on the ship: including guests in the searching for boats in distress with binoculars, in ship maintenance tasks and preparation of meals.
+Think which of these, and to what extent, should and can be undone or modified in a way that introduces more mutuality, and which should not and/or cannot.  Examples of challenging the clean division of recipients and givers of care on the ship: including guests in the searching for boats in distress with binoculars, in ship maintenance tasks and preparation of meals.

content/session/urinehormoneextractionaction.md

@@ -2,20 +2,20 @@
 title: "Urine Hormone Extraction Action"
 ---
 
-Using a basic understanding of chemistry principles such as polarity and solubility, participants will build and perform a urine-hormone extraction protocol using cheap and easy-to-find materials. This protocol was generated through the project [Estrofem! Lab](http://maggic.ooo/Estrofem-Lab-2016), dedicated to the collaborative production of hormone hacking protocols for citizen investigation of bodies and environments. In addition, the participants will be encouraged to think of the protocol as a kind of cooking recipe, referring to the fact that we have always been biohackers.
+Using a basic understanding of chemistry principles such as polarity and solubility, participants will build and perform a urine-hormone extraction protocol using cheap and easy-to-find materials. This protocol was generated through the project [Estrofem! Lab](http://maggic.ooo/Estrofem-Lab-2016), dedicated to the collaborative production of hormone hacking protocols for citizen investigation of bodies and environments. In addition, the participants will be encouraged to think of the protocol as a kind of cooking recipe, referring to the fact that we have always been biohackers. 
 
 The results of this short experiment will be a brown sticky substance that is a collection of all kinds of steroidal-like molecules, and will be followed by a reflective discussion: What kinds of queer, disobedient embodiments can we find in urinary hormones? How can we generate new subjectivities around hormones? Can we imagine speculative scenarios where we recycle hormones produced in the body?
 
 # Materials
 - Paper towels
-- Scissors
+- Scissors 
 - Cups (for urine)
 - Glass bottle cutter
 - Tweezers with needle nose
 - U-post fence bracket
 - Angle bracket
 - 2 metal threaded rods per bracket (500mm/9.5mm)
-- Zip-ties (large, colorful prefered)
+- Zip-ties (large, colorful prefered) 
 - Pipe clamp with black rubber and threaded nail (various diameters)
 - Any glass bottle, recycled
 - Cigarette filters, variety of brands to compare
@@ -29,8 +29,8 @@ The results of this short experiment will be a brown sticky substance that is a
 - Pot for boiling
 
 # DIY Column Construction
-Two metal rods are fixed to a bracket by zip ties.
-One pipe clamp per metal rod is then fixed by zip ties.
+Two metal rods are fixed to a bracket by zip ties. 
+One pipe clamp per metal rod is then fixed by zip ties. 
 Make an incision around a glass bottle using the glass bottle cutter.
 Pour hot water around the incision, then cold water. This should cause the two pieces to separate. The cut glass bottle will be the column.
 Wrap the neck opening with parafilm.
@@ -45,15 +45,12 @@ Pour methanol (5-10mL) down the column. This is the “conditioning” step.
 Now pour water down the column, washing any excess methanol.
 Dispose the waste down the drain if it gets too full at this point.
 Pour your urine sample down the column. This is called “loading the sample.” Repeat at least 5 times to ensure binding of hormones to the stationary phase.
-
 Pour the waste down the drain.
-
 Now “elute” the hormones (get them off the stationary phase) by pouring methanol (4-5mL) down the column. (Methanol is a solvent described in many scientific papers as having effective binding properties for steroidal molecules). Repeat at least 5 times to ensure efficient elution of hormones. Make sure the final elution ends up in a 15mL falcon tube.
 Place the falcon tube of methanol-hormones in a pot of boiling water. Use air pump to facilitate the evaporation of methanol. This process varies depending on amount of methanol.
-
 Once you see a dry, brown, sticky substance, you can take the tube off the hot water. The final product is a collection of hormones, or steroidal molecules in general. To isolate only estrogen would require an additional step of purification, which needs to be further investigated.
 Smell and share with your friends!
 
 # Text Resources
+http://wlu18www30.webland.ch/wiki/Open_Source_Estrogen#Urine_Hormone_Extraction_Action 
 
-Urine Hormone Extraction Action on [Hacketeria](http://wlu18www30.webland.ch/wiki/Open_Source_Estrogen#Urine_Hormone_Extraction_Action)

content/session/weareallonthesameship.md

@@ -1,27 +1,27 @@
 
----
+--- 
 title: "We are all on the same ship, aren’t we?"
 ---
 
 
 # Session 2: We are all on the same ship, aren’t we?
 
-## Introduction
-
-At their very best, responses to a problem perceived as external to particular (individual or group) agency - in origin at least, and possibly of such a scale that it gets called a “crisis” - include intensified emphasis on community organizing. It is one of this charged words, rich in history yet elusive in its contemporary forms in capitalist societies: a community. (Mostly reduced to the following prefixing contexts: indigenous, gated, activist.)
-
-A community can be conceptualized as an ongoing process/action of co-producing relationships, values, material resources, infrastructures, needs, preferences, commitments, identities, and beings. In the words of John A. Schumacher (see ![‘Communal Living: Making Community’](bib:3bc0515e-6b53-4f07-93ca-864d5e246a4d)), making community is never over: community is the making of it. On a search and rescue ship, with crews of 22 most of whom change for each mission - every three weeks or so – there is a strong overlap between missions and communities. So-called virtual communities, on the other hand, can stretch longer in time but lack a connection to a place and sustenance and are perhaps always affinity groups rather than communities.
+**Introduction**
 
+At their very best, responses to a problem perceived as external to particular (individual or group) agency - in origin at least, and possibly of such a scale that it gets called a “crisis” - include intensified emphasis on community organizing. It is one of this charged words, rich in history yet elusive in its contemporary forms in capitalist societies: a community. (Mostly reduced to the following prefixing contexts: indigenous, gated, activist.) 
+A community can be conceptualized as an ongoing process/action of co-producing relationships, values, material resources, infrastructures, needs, preferences, commitments, identities, and beings. In the words of John A. Schumacher (
+![](bib:3bc0515e-6b53-4f07-93ca-864d5e246a4d)
+), making community is never over: community is the making of it. On a search and rescue ship, with crews of 22 most of whom change for each mission - every three weeks or so – there is a strong overlap between missions and communities. So-called virtual communities, on the other hand, can stretch longer in time but lack a connection to a place and sustenance and are perhaps always affinity groups rather than communities.
 
 ## Let’s Learn Together
 
-### Step 1: Introduce ourselves
 
-### Step 2: Let’s read (30 min.)
+**Step 1: Introduce ourselves**
+
+**Step 2: Let’s read (30 min.)**
 
 Participants take turns reading aloud a paragraph each of the introduction to the Camille’s stories in ![](bib:4e857cce-9441-4c53-9a1c-5668c81a3fce) (pages 137-143).
-
-The facilitator reads out the following statements of the interviewees from
+The facilitator reads out the following statements of the interviewees from 
 ![](bib:16e8a72c-8735-47d4-b568-3481b1bb95a8):
 
 * Sea Watch crews see abuses of people in Lybia (torture, slavery, rape, etc.) as intolerable, human life and freedom of movement as valuable irrespective of race, and it runs the ship in their own way, operating “outside of the wishes of the states, not outside of the law.” (Kim)
@@ -32,22 +32,22 @@ The facilitator reads out the following statements of the interviewees from
 
 * (Kim) pointed out that everyone’s voice is heard – although whether one would voice an opinion is up to an individual crew member – and that this has been “built into the organization from the beginning, and not something that grew organically on the ship. It was consciously decided to have as flat a hierarchy and as inclusive environment as possible.
 
-* (Lorenz) observed that opinions and proposals of crew members who are shy or disliked are less likely to be heard. Lorenz also noted that skill-sharing acts as an equalizing mechanism: everyone is invited to learn new skills.
+* (Lorenz) observed that opinions and proposals of crew members who are shy or disliked are less likely to be heard. Lorenz also noted that skill-sharing acts as an equalizing mechanism: everyone is invited to learn new skills. 
 
 * Due to the large number of people participating in the weekly teleconference call, which is the decision making forum, discussions are difficult and decisions are de facto made about ideas that had been discussed first in small circles of friends.
 
 
-### Step 3: Vessels of the times past (30 min.)
+**Step 3: Vessels of the times past (30 min.)**
 
 Ask participants to map out their experience that comes closest to their notion of community along the vectors of relationships, values, material resources, infrastructures, needs, preferences, commitments, identities and beings. Ask them to discover what was missing in each plane, where they overlap, and what alternative ways of connecting these planes exist. Guide participants in the analysis of the above concepts that enables mapping to be as concrete as possible. Ask how features internal to the community (e.g. size of the community, communication structures, decision-making structures) and those external to it (e.g. place where it was situated, climate, political context) shaped the experience.
 
-### Step 4: Ce ci n’est pas un bateau (45 min.)
+**Step 4: Ce ci n’est pas un bateau (45 min.)**
 
 Ask participants to imagine a community that would come closer to a functional community along the same vectors as mentioned above, and to map them out one by one, without reference to others. Then, ask them to put these mini maps together. Guide a discussion around what has happened.
 
 Bring back the maps made in the Step 2 and contrast them with new maps. Solicit observations and thoughts on this process as well as what participants find as interesting discoveries in their maps, guide a discussion. Examine the choices of each of internal and external features of community making/maintenance and ideas underlying those choices.
 
 
-### Step 5: Who are we (45 min.)
+**Step 5: Who are we (45 min.)**
 
-Ask the participants to list those who would be excluded or have trouble accessing their imagined community, as well as grounds and modes of exclusion/limited access. Then, ask them to revisit the maps and identify spaces where exclusion originated.
+Ask the participants to list those who would be excluded or have trouble accessing their imagined community, as well as grounds and modes of exclusion/limited access. Then, ask them to revisit the maps and identify spaces where exclusion originated.

content/session/whatiscare.md

@@ -5,56 +5,60 @@ title: "Situating Care"
 
 # What is care, where is it and what can it do?
 
-The term care can refer to a broad variety of activities and hold different meanings for different people. And yet, all depend on its provision to some extent, all practice it , albeith in widely different conditions, and all experience its effects, in negative and positive ways. Below you will find an activity that can help situating one’s experience of care; followed by some key definitions of care and a list of resources to unpack its various meanings and implications, organised in four groups: Care Ethics, Care of the Self, Caring as a Way of Knowing, Care Labour and Social Reproduction.
+The term care can refer to a broad variety of activities and hold different meanings for different people. And yet, all depend on its provision to some extent, all practice it , albeith in widely different conditions, and all experience its effects, in negative and positive ways. Below you will find an activity that can help situating one’s experience of care; followed by some key definitions of care and a list of resources to unpack its various meanings and implications, organised in four groups: Care Ethics, Care of the Self, Caring as a Way of Knowing, Care Labour and Social Reproduction. 
 
 
 ## Introduction exercise: Care in your languages?
 
-This exercise can be practice also by those whose only language is English.
+This exercise can be practice also by those whose only language is English. 
 Other languages have more than one word to express the meaning of care. If you are in a group where people speak different languages (or yourself do), it can be generative to list how care and similar concepts are expressed in these languages, how and when are these used, and what aspects of care they capture. Try to think of different context for when these words might be used and by whom, and what impressions or images are associated with them.
 
 If for you or your group the only language is English, you can skip this first passage and move to the second moment of this reflection.
 
-The second step in this introductory exercise would consist of finding synonyms of the world ‘care’ or ‘caring’. Can you group them in different categories? Are there particular places of people associated with them?
+The second step in this introductory exercise would consist of finding synonyms of the world ‘care’ or ‘caring’. Can you group them in different categories? Are there particular places of people associated with them? 
 
-Finally, generate a list of activities that you associate with ‘care labour’. Do these activities share some characteristics? What kinds of skills are necessary for each? And what kind of resources and tools? Can you group the different kind of work together in different sub-groups? What might be different criteria for doing so? Are particular places or persons excluded from this listed activities?
+Finally, generate a list of activities that you associate with ‘care labour’. Do these activities share some characteristics? What kinds of skills are necessary for each? And what kind of resources and tools? Can you group the different kind of work together in different sub-groups? What might be different criteria for doing so? Are particular places or persons excluded from this listed activities? 
 
-This exercise can be used as entry points to initiate a collective reflection on care for a group who might want to revisit its own way of perceiving, distributing and valuing its labour. The literature on care is vast, and it is therefore important to ask oneself what do we need to learn in the process of engaging with it? What needs change?
+This exercise can be used as entry points to initiate a collective reflection on care for a group who might want to revisit its own way of perceiving, distributing and valuing its labour. The literature on care is vast, and it is therefore important to ask oneself what do we need to learn in the process of engaging with it? What needs change?  
 
-**Some definitions of care and social reproduction:**
+**
+Some definitions of care and social reproduction:**
 
-- Joan Tronto and Berenice Fisher. 'Toward a feminist theory of caring.' In ![](bib:39fef702-aeed-4cf4-93e8-27a8895e6675)
+- Joan Tronto and Berenice Fisher. "Toward a feminist theory of caring." Circles of care: Work and identity in women’s lives (1990), 35-62:
 
-> In the most general sense, care is a species activity that includes everything we do to maintain, continue and repair our world so that we may live in it as well as possible. That world includes our bodies, ourselves and our environment, all of which we seek to interweave in a complex, life-sustaining web.
+> In the most general sense, care is a species activity that includes everything we do to maintain, continue and repair our world so that we may live in it as well as possible. That world includes our bodies, ourselves and our environment, all of which we seek to interweave in a complex, life-sustaining web. 
 
-- ![](bib:5b1e973f-cfb5-4ca7-a678-89495a315eff)
-> a range of activities and relationships that promote the physical and emotional well-being of people “who cannot or who are not inclined to perform these activities themselves
+- Yeates, Nicola. 2004. “Global Care Chains. Critical Reflections and Lines of Enquiry” International Feminist Journal of Politics, 6 (3): 369–91:
+> a range of activities and relationships that promote the physical and emotional well-being of people “who cannot or who are not inclined to perform these activities themselves 
 
-- ![](bib:b180c729-2702-46eb-84e5-303a0f5e2853)
+- Camille Barbagallo, [The Impossibility of the International Women’s Strike is Exactly Why It’s So Necessary]( https://novaramedia.com/2017/03/06/the-impossibility-of-the-international-womens-strike-is-exactly-why-its-so-necessary/), Novara Media, 6th March 2017:
+> All the work we (mostly women) do that makes and remakes people on a daily basis and intergenerationally.
 
-- ![](bib:10a78189-8531-4101-b0b4-3678c0e0f013)
-> Caring work is aimed at maintaining or augmenting another person’s freedom.
+- David Graeber (twitter):
+> Caring labour is aimed at maintaining or augmenting another person’s freedom.
 
--  ![](bib:f1711c2d-0032-45fa-9b29-82d3f3ca3c92)
+-  Nacy Fraser. ["Contradictions of capital and care."](https://newleftreview.org/issues/II100/articles/nancy-fraser-contradictions-of-capital-and-care) New Left Review 100.99 (2016), 117:
 
-> ...interactions that produce and maintain social bonds.
 
-- ![](bib:1643ef2b-c9d8-4eb1-baf5-730144eadc6d)
+> interactions that produce and maintain social bonds.
+
+- María Puig de la Bellacasa "‘Nothing comes without its world’: Thinking with Care." The Sociological Review 60.2 (2012), 197-216:
 
 > To care about something, or for somebody, is inevitably to create relation. Caring is more than an affective-ethical state: it involves material engagement in labours to sustain interdependent worlds, labours that are often associated with exploitation and domination.
 
 
-## Grounding exercise: Organisational Mapping of Care
+## Grounding exercise: Organisational Mapping of Care 
 
 (Alone or as a group)
 
-The purpose of this activity is to become more away of the complex and intertwined webs of care that support or shape our lives, and to the different kinds of conditions and skills that characterise care labour.
+The purpose of this activity is to become more away of the complex and intertwined webs of care that support or shape our lives, and to the different kinds of conditions and skills that characterise care labour. 
 
 Map a typical day in your everyday life across the different organizations/institutions within which your various activities take place. (For example, your home, public transport, school, shop, gym, etc…). There is no one way to map your organisational life. It can be as detailed or as broad as it feels useful to you. Some people prefer more abstract diagrams, some use concentric circles or  arrows, others chose more intricate ways of drawing and representing the various organizations.
 
-As a second step, add into the map (some or all) the main people with whom you interact in the different organisations.
+As a second step, add into the map (some or all) the main people with whom you interact in the different organisations. 
+
+Now consider the following definition of care offered by Evelyn Nakano Glenn (author of [Forced to Care: Coercion and Caregiving in America](https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/ab05564f-e1b0-4172-94ac-39efe920768f), Harvard University Press, 2010):
 
-Now consider the following definition of care offered by Evelyn Nakano Glenn (author of ![Forced to Care: Coercion and Caregiving in America](bib:71deb6e9-c12a-4734-9faa-e3aa6b730cbd), Harvard University Press, 2010):
 
 > Caring can be defined most simply as the relationships and activities involved in maintaining people on a daily basis and intergenerationally. Caring labor involves three types of intertwined activities. First, there is direct caring for the person, which includes physical care (e.g., feeding, bathing, grooming), emotional care (e.g., listening, talking, offering reassurance), and services to help people meet their physical and emotional needs (e.g., shopping for food, driving to appointments, going on outings). The second type of caring labor is that of maintaining the immediate physical surroundings/milieu in which people live (e.g., changing bed linen, washing clothing, and vacuuming floors). The third is the work of fostering people's relationships and social connections, a form of caring labor that has been referred to as "kin work" or as "community mothering." An apt metaphor for this type of care labor is "weaving and reweaving the social fabric." All three types of caring labor are included to varying degrees in the job definitions of such occupations as nurses' aides, home care aides, and housekeepers or nannies. Each of these positions involves varying mixtures of the three elements of care, and, when done well, the work entails considerable (if unrecognized) physical, social, and emotional skills.
 
@@ -68,15 +72,15 @@ Keeping the three types of care labour described by Evelyn Nakano Glenn, chose a
 
 * What are the organisations where you identified more care activities? Do they have similarities between them? (for instance, the way they are organised, their social purpose, their size, the kind of space they occupy?)
 
-* What are the people from who you receive most care? The ones to whom you give most? Do these people have similarities with you (age, class, race, gender, education levels, etc.)? Do these people have similarities between themselves?
+* What are the people from who you receive most care? The ones to whom you give most? Do these people have similarities with you (age, class, race, gender, education levels, etc.)? Do these people have similarities between themselves? 
 
-* Are your interactions more involved in one kind of care activities than others? Can you think of the reasons for why this is the case?
+* Are your interactions more involved in one kind of care activities than others? Can you think of the reasons for why this is the case? 
 
-* Are people from whom you receive care always the same as those who also are recipient of your care actions?
+* Are people from whom you receive care always the same as those who also are recipient of your care actions? 
 
-* Let's now consider the three different kinds of care activities? Which ones are takin gplace as part of a paid job or service? Which ones are unpaid? Which ones are visible and valued socially? Which ones are not?
+* Let's now consider the three different kinds of care activities? Which ones are takin gplace as part of a paid job or service? Which ones are unpaid? Which ones are visible and valued socially? Which ones are not? 
 
-* Are there people in your map with whom you don't have any care interaction? What is their position in relation to you?
+* Are there people in your map with whom you don't have any care interaction? What is their position in relation to you? 
 
 Different ways of thinking about care:
 
@@ -94,7 +98,7 @@ Different ways of thinking about care:
 
 - ![](bib:e092d7cf-fe2c-4487-9963-98fd3fc7523b)
 
-- ![](bib:805690f2-55c9-4904-afc1-ff9818f55ef5)
+- Nel Noddings, [Caring: A Relational Approach to Ethics & Moral Education](https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/8acc45a2-ea36-4e3f-a86f-e168692166e8), University of California Press, 2013 [1984]. 
 
 - ![](bib:fe352bc2-c2b3-4efe-9837-cc988d1f1c22)
 
@@ -103,17 +107,20 @@ Different ways of thinking about care:
 - ![](bib:44abb3ff-8e49-40f6-b476-709c1f9c34fc)
 
 
-## Further resources
+## Further Resources
 
 - [Website of the Foundation Critical Ethics of Care](https://ethicsofcare.org/care-ethics/)
 
-- [The International Care Ethics Research Consortium (CERC)](https://care857567951.wordpress.com/)
 
-- ![](bib:537c6446-bccd-4b99-b9df-b247b1521fc0)
+- [The International Care Ethics Research Consortium (CERC)](https://care857567951.wordpress.com/) 
 
-- Mijke van der Drift. “Nonnormative Ethics: the Ensouled Formation of Trans.” In ![](bib:d42fef04-147b-496f-98b5-5347171da64e)
 
-- Sandra Harding. “The Curious Coincidence of Feminine and African moralities: Challenges for Feminist Theory.” In ![](bib:91850376-a7b2-4ea6-b742-094a8edfc702)
+- Ranjoo Seodu Herr. “Is Confucianism Compatible with care ethics?: A Critique.” Philosophy East and West 53.4, 2003, 471-489.
+
+- Mijke van der Drift. “Nonnormative Ethics: the Ensouled Formation of Trans.” In: The Emergence of Trans. Cultures, Politics and Everyday Lives. Edited ByRuth Pearce, Igi Moon, Kat Gupta, Deborah Lynn Steinberg. 
+London: Routledge. 2019.
+
+- Sandra Harding. “The Curious Coincidence of Feminine and African moralities: Challenges for Feminist Theory” in Women and Moral Theory, eds. Eva Feder Kittay and Diana T. Meyers. Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Littlefield, 1987.
 
 
 
@@ -121,74 +128,79 @@ Different ways of thinking about care:
 
 ## Introductory reading
 
-- ![](bib:f4c72ee4-8033-4730-b80a-c476db3316bb)
+- André Spicer. [“‘Self-care’: how a radical feminist idea was stripped of politics for the mass market.”](https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/aug/21/self-care-radical-feminist-idea-mass-market) The Guardian, 21 August 2019.
 
 ## Some key readings
 
-- ![](bib:dab6494f-ed3b-46bc-95db-d3359e23c563)
+- Audre Lorde. [A Burst of Light: and other essays.](https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/4795e144-32a3-4ee4-afd0-500199b1da41) Mineola, New York: Ixia Press, an imprint of Dover Publications, 2017.
 
-> Winner of the 1988 Before Columbus Foundation National Book Award, this path-breaking collection of essays is a clarion call to build communities that nurture our spirit. Lorde announces the need for a radical politics of intersectionality while struggling to maintain her own faith as she wages a battle against liver cancer. From reflections on her struggle with the disease to thoughts on lesbian sexuality and African-American identity in a straight white man's world, Lorde's voice remains enduringly relevant in today's political landscape. Those who practice and encourage social justice activism frequently quote her exhortation, "Caring for myself is not self-indulgence, it is self-preservation, and that is an act of political warfare."
+> Winner of the 1988 Before Columbus Foundation National Book Award, this path-breaking collection of essays is a clarion call to build communities that nurture our spirit. Lorde announces the need for a radical politics of intersectionality while struggling to maintain her own faith as she wages a battle against liver cancer. From reflections on her struggle with the disease to thoughts on lesbian sexuality and African-American identity in a straight white man's world, Lorde's voice remains enduringly relevant in today's political landscape. Those who practice and encourage social justice activism frequently quote her exhortation, "Caring for myself is not self-indulgence, it is self-preservation, and that is an act of political warfare." 
 
-- ![](bib:2fe55471-296c-404a-a19c-e0551d129c62)
+- Michel Foucault. [The Care of the Self. Volume 3 of the History of Sexuality.](https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/e99416e9-9c62-44d7-b5d9-dab8ee67c187) New York: Pantheon Books, 1986.
 
 
-- Michel Foucault. “The Ethics of the Concern of the Self as a Practice of Freedom.” In ![](bib:9d54a162-209c-419f-8780-ef7852b90498)
+- Michel Foucault.  [“The Ethics of the Concern of the Self as a Practice of Freedom”](https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/7f69b216-4ae6-4b2b-aba7-8d31fb477516), in Ethics: Subjectivity and Truth. New York: The New Press, 1997. 281-301. 
 
-> The risk of dominating others and exercising a tyrannical power over them arises precisely only when one has not taken care of the self and has become the slave of one’s desires. But if you take proper care of yourself, that is, if you know ontologically what you are, if you know what you are capable of, if you know what it means for you to be a citizen of a city... if you know what things you should and should not fear, if you know what you can reasonably hope for and, on the other hand, what things should not matter to you, if you know, finally, that you should not be afraid of death – if you know all this, you cannot abuse your power over others.
+> The risk of dominating others and exercising a tyrannical power over them arises precisely only when one has not taken care of the self and has become the slave of one’s desires. But if you take proper care of yourself, that is, if you know ontologically what you are, if you know what you are capable of, if you know what it means for you to be a citizen of a city... if you know what things you should and should not fear, if you know what you can reasonably hope for and, on the other hand, what things should not matter to you, if you know, finally, that you should not be afraid of death – if you know all this, you cannot abuse your power over others.  
 
-- Michel Foucault. “Technologies of the Self.” In ![](bib:9d54a162-209c-419f-8780-ef7852b90498)
+- Michel Foucault.  [“Technologies of the Self” in Ethics: Subjectivity and Truth.](https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/7f69b216-4ae6-4b2b-aba7-8d31fb477516) New York: The New Press, 1994. 221-251. 
 
 > There are several reasons why “know yourself” has obscured “take care of yourself.” First, there has been a profound transformation in the moral principles of Western society. We find it difficult to base rigorous morality and austere principles on the precept that we should give more care to ourselves than to anything else in the world. We are more inclined to see taking care of ourselves as an immorality, as a means of escape from all possible rules. We inherit the tradition of Christian morality which makes self-renunciation the condition for salvation. To know oneself was, paradoxically, a means of self-renunciation.
 
 ## Further resources
 
-- ![](bib:1a0a29fa-802c-4667-941e-2050fab5f027)
+- Richard Shusterman. 2000. “Somaesthetics and Care of the Self: The Case of Foucault.” Monist 83(4): 530–551.
 
-- ![](bib:9d3d68bc-8669-458c-87aa-8e7513537022)
+- Ahmed, Sara. [Selfcare as Warfare](https://feministkilljoys.com/2014/08/25/selfcare-as-warfare/), feministkilljoys blog, published on 25 August 2014 
 
-- ![](bib:2b0a1c1b-4cd5-4646-844f-488ce7617054)
+- Michaeli, I. (2017). Self-Care: An Act of Political Warfare or a Neoliberal Trap? Development, 60(1-2), 50–56. 
 
-- ![](bib:5e69571d-ba96-4e03-b593-1abc8b9d2539)
+- Keely Tongate, [“Women’s survival strategies in Chechnya: from self-care to caring for each other.”](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/transformation/womens-survival-strategies-in-chechnya-from-self-care-to-caring-for-ea/) openDemocracy, 29 August 2013.
 
--  AWID Forum’s Wellbeing Advisory Group and the Black Feminisms Forum. [Webinar Summary: Self-Care and Collective Wellbeing.](https://www.awid.org/news-and-analysis/webinar-summary-self-care-and-collective-wellbeing)
+
+-  AWID Forum’s Wellbeing Advisory Group and the Black Feminisms Forum. [Webinar Summary: Self-Care and Collective Wellbeing.](https://www.awid.org/news-and-analysis/webinar-summary-self-care-and-collective-wellbeing)    
 
 
 # Caring as a Way of Knowing
 
+
 ## Some key readings
 
-- ![](bib:f84d5ef7-bc1a-4ac4-b155-74974c9bbc0a), in Haraway, D. (ed.), *Simians, Cyborgs, and Women: The Reinvention of Nature*, 183–201, Routledge.
+- ![](bib:f84d5ef7-bc1a-4ac4-b155-74974c9bbc0a), in Haraway, D. (ed.), Simians, Cyborgs, and Women: The Reinvention of Nature, 183–201, New York: Routledge. 
 
 - ![](bib:1643ef2b-c9d8-4eb1-baf5-730144eadc6d)
 
-- ![](bib:88b0a75b-49e3-40f4-9140-a412ae6fad00)
+- Isabelle Stengers. [The Care of the Possible: Isabelle Stengers Interviewed by Erik Bordeleau](https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/e65d708d-336d-45e0-bab1-73b6b89d8859).
+
 
 
 ## Further resources
 
-- ![](bib:87a2f7fc-68f0-4e34-8aff-381c0322093d)
+- Sandra Harding. [The Science Question in Feminism](https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/6e8e06be-8bb4-4546-9092-787312e83b01), Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1986.
 
 - ![](bib:c857d80d-a987-443e-855e-4c4a16ef05c0)
 
 - ![](bib:c51c4670-02a7-42e0-b29d-7b5febcf417f)
--
+- 
 - ![](bib:220246b3-5f92-4cf0-aba2-ea2ede7a65c8)
 
-- ![](bib:4e5856c8-c42f-49a4-8064-d951ed75356d)
-
+- Isabelle Stengers. [Another Science Is Possible: A Manifesto for Slow Science.](https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/01bb6f33-8d9d-4318-833c-ca2d925793b9) Polity, 2018. 
 - ![](bib:62710c35-a605-4a3c-ac04-64cd74d1b1ac)
 
 
 
 # Care Labour and Social Reproduction
 
-## Introductory readings
+
+## Some introductory readings
 
 - ![](bib:88742e58-92de-457f-ac08-099db3b4bbc7)
 
-- ![](bib:d4041223-67c9-4c41-8439-c4f13cf525db)
+- Rada Katsarova. [“Repression and Resistance on the Terrain of Social Reproduction: Historical Trajectories, Contemporary Openings.”](https://www.viewpointmag.com/2015/10/31/repression-and-resistance-on-the-terrain-of-social-reproduction-historical-trajectories-contemporary-openings/) Viewpoint magazine. October 31, 2015.
+
+
+- Celeste Murillo. [“Producing and Reproducing: Capitalism’s Dual Oppression of Women.”](https://www.leftvoice.org/On-Reproductive-Labor-Wage-Slavery-and-the-New-Working-Class) Left Voice. September 11, 2018.
 
-- ![](bib:9e8f6a75-8d15-40da-90aa-00b5516373aa)
 
 - ![](bib:5b1e973f-cfb5-4ca7-a678-89495a315eff)
 
@@ -196,52 +208,66 @@ Different ways of thinking about care:
 
 - ![](bib:cd3b2994-fabc-4642-a1dd-4e18ba184b85)
 
-- ![](bib:9800d83c-c610-455d-a043-3f7ea1ff4462)
+- Arlie Russell Hochschild.  [The Managed Heart: Commercialization of Human Feeling.](https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/07d2b96c-3703-4752-9e65-30b7f44e4691)
+University of California Press, 2012.
 
-- ![](bib:2ed6e640-4b0d-4d92-862e-cbffba4dc0e4)
 
-- ![](bib:87b238c5-4412-4bc5-b42e-27bab643e6b8)
+- Leopoldina Fortunati. [The Arcane of Reproduction: Housework, Prostitution, Labor and Capital.](https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/4467b300-ea2c-4ca7-9f50-d77033c0b276)
+Autonomedia, 1995.
+
+
+- Silvia Federici. [Wages Against Housework.](https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/0860b3b2-7fb7-4038-9373-42765366c13e) Bristol: Power of Women Collective and the Falliing Wall Press. 1975
+
+
+- Silvia Federici. [Caliban and the Witch: women, the body and primitive accumulation.](https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/88f27dc9-a2c4-4445-beac-5f423c458a1d) Autonomedia, 2004. 
 
-- ![](bib:6dd40a24-2a7d-44b9-8589-466db6c255f8)
 
 - ![](bib:e57fa2af-d801-40b7-a112-d06af86eacd6)
 
+
 - ![](bib:f1711c2d-0032-45fa-9b29-82d3f3ca3c92)
 
 
 
 ## Further resources
 
-- Susan Ferguson at al. *Historical Materialism.* Volume 24, Issue 2 (2016) [Symposium on Social Reproduction](https://www.historicalmaterialism.org/journal/volume-24-issue-2-2016/).
+- Susan Ferguson at al. Historical Materialism Volume 24, Issue 2 (2016) Symposium on Social Reproduction.
+
+- Katie Meehan and Kendra Strauss (Editors), [Precarious Worlds: Contested Geographies of Social Reproduction](https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/58a7f3d2-4fdd-4b8f-8d10-4495999c6fa7). Athens and London: The University of Georgia Press. 2015.
 
-- ![](bib:c7ead0ca-79a9-4ddb-bac4-9d00188657dd)
 
 - ![](bib:11860f86-fd66-4cae-a8ec-3ea35e83e6c4)
 
-- ![](bib:1d5b1e90-42a7-43a5-a1ce-0f71519cbd9e)
+- Lise Vogel, “Domestic Labor Revisited”. Science & Society, Volume 64, Number 2 (Summer, 2000), pp. 151-170 
 
-- ![](bib:91e9dfee-93b7-48d1-9e2d-df9ea5b10e83)
+- Annemarie Mol, The Logic of Care: Health and the Problem of Patient Choice, Routledge, 2008
 
-- ![](bib:7955a1b6-c490-4271-9c27-7dd05f32f897)
+- Carolyn Merchant, [Radical Ecology: The Search for a Livable World.](https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/63c547bc-13d6-4da1-b78b-9747a65d7295) Routledge, 2012. 
 
-- ![](bib:7fea7c46-4c2f-4fb7-9501-8b886f75c3f2)
+- Raj Patel and Jason W Moore: A History of the World in Seven Cheap Things: A Guide to Capitalism, Nature, and the Future of the Planet. University of California Press, Year: 2017
 
-- ![](bib:fdbbae8b-b097-40a4-8efc-74e549933308)
+- Louis Althusser. [On the Reproduction of Capitalism: Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses.](https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/2cb4578e-4df0-423a-b913-504cb8f31346) Verso, 2014. 
 
-- ![](bib:69d547e9-39f2-4a05-8362-67899dd02be3)
+- Michelle Murphy. [Seizing the Means of Reproduction: Entanglements of Feminism, Health, and Technoscience.](https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/book/4d9f8f68-f9d6-46cf-99a8-bd48ef6f4b16)  Duke University, 2012/
+
+- [Caring Labour: an archive](https://caringlabor.wordpress.com/). Website.
+This site was born as an attempt by students in the East Bay in California to understand our role in the fight to prevent the closure of a community college childcare center and the layoffs of eight childcare workers. 
 
-- [Caring Labour: an archive](https://caringlabor.wordpress.com/).
-> This site was born as an attempt by students in the East Bay in California to understand our role in the fight to prevent the closure of a community college childcare center and the layoffs of eight childcare workers.
 
 - [CareForce](http://www.careforce.co/) (film / public art project)
-> Initiated by artist [Marisa Morán Jahn](https://www.marisajahn.com/careforce) (Studio REV-) with the National Domestic Workers Alliance (NDWA), the CareForce is an ongoing set of public art projects amplifying the voices of America’s fastest growing workforce — caregivers.
 
-- ![](bib:7270addd-bc27-4ff0-9eea-4491e21cb074)
+Initiated by artist [Marisa Morán Jahn](https://www.marisajahn.com/careforce) (Studio REV-) with the National Domestic Workers Alliance (NDWA), the CareForce is an ongoing set of public art projects amplifying the voices of America’s fastest growing workforce — caregivers. 
+
+
+- Mierle Laderman Ukeles. [Manifesto for Maintenance Art. Proposal For An Exhibition “Care”](https://www.queensmuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Ukeles_MANIFESTO.pdf). 1969.
+
 
 - [The Reproductive Sociology Research Group](http://www.reprosoc.com/), Cambridge University.
 
+
 - ![](bib:2b36abff-6716-47ab-92d7-164aed40df8d)
 
-- ![](bib:1ec5f1b8-7e00-4c83-a233-ca7bb480fce3)
+- bell hooks. [“Homeplace (A Site of Resistance)”.](http://libcom.org/files/hooks-reading-1.pdf) In: Yearning: Race, gender, and cultural politics. Boston, MA: South End Press. Chicago, 1990. 
 
-- ![](bib:13acd7aa-eac7-4f18-bc8f-d7b5c00b53d9)
+- Susan Stall and Randy Stoecker. “Community Organizing or Organizing Community? Gender and the Crafts of Empowerment”. Gender and Society, Vol. 12, No. 6, Special Issue: Gender and Social Movements, Part 1
+(Dec., 1998), pp. 729-756.

content/session/wishes.md

@@ -4,28 +4,21 @@ title: "Part Two: Wishes"
 
 # Part two: Wishes
 Nothing makes me feel more alive than helping solve other people’s problems. It makes me feel powerful, useful, connected and of service. It is necessary work, and it uses all my skills: deep attention, creative problem solving, vengeful empathy. But the focus on problems, which tend to arise in moments of or approaching crisis, means we can never plan very far into the future. Because most of my loved ones have very little money or security, we use chewing gum to plug the leaks only long enough to get us to the next disaster. This is the way most of us must live right now at the intersection of many multi layered crises. We feel we can’t dare to wish for anything in case it distracts us from the crisis at hand, as if wishing were an unacceptable indulgence. Sybille Peters is an artist who has theorized wishes as a fundamental part of rigorous research practices. If it wasn’t for her work I think I would be unable to use the word without rolling my eyes at the same time.
+But what if we challenge ourselves to see through these emergencies and to go towards our wishes despite all the holes in our boats? After all, those holes are only going to get plugged, not really fixed, until we reach some sort of destination. Right now we keep going in circles. I think that in some way we use our own personal crises as a distraction when we are afraid of what we might wish for. So long avoided in the name of survival, we may not know our wishes, or we may not recognize them, especially if our wishes do not comply with what is on offer. We may feel like our wishes are not utterable, or that we don’t deserve to have wishes, either because we’re obviously a failure or because we already have too much. We may feel that our wishes don’t make sense in a capitalist context. We may have never seen a good wish come to fruition. We may feel that our wishes are too weird or individualistic or simple to talk about in the company of people we respect, who appear to have much better wishes. Or maybe there simply isn’t time to talk about this bullshit, which will keep us from the work of survival... and inevitably lead us to more disappointment. Making wishes in the apocalypse feels risky. But maybe the apocalypse in one way came from too many neglected wishes. 
 
-But what if we challenge ourselves to see through these emergencies and to go towards our wishes despite all the holes in our boats? After all, those holes are only going to get plugged, not really fixed, until we reach some sort of destination. Right now we keep going in circles. I think that in some way we use our own personal crises as a distraction when we are afraid of what we might wish for. So long avoided in the name of survival, we may not know our wishes, or we may not recognize them, especially if our wishes do not comply with what is on offer. We may feel like our wishes are not utterable, or that we don’t deserve to have wishes, either because we’re obviously a failure or because we already have too much. We may feel that our wishes don’t make sense in a capitalist context. We may have never seen a good wish come to fruition. We may feel that our wishes are too weird or individualistic or simple to talk about in the company of people we respect, who appear to have much better wishes. Or maybe there simply isn’t time to talk about this bullshit, which will keep us from the work of survival... and inevitably lead us to more disappointment. Making wishes in the apocalypse feels risky. But maybe the apocalypse in one way came from too many neglected wishes.
+***If all our crises are connected, then all our wishes are conspiring*** 
 
-***If all our crises are connected, then all our wishes are conspiring***
+I have a sixth or seventh sense that your deepest wishes may not be that different from mine. It takes time to be able to understand and articulate them. Even if I knew my wishes I may not be able to describe them because there aren’t many opportunities to practice that type of thinking or speaking. I don’t think wishes can live in a vacuum. Wishes are social. We create them together as we survive and learn what we want to escape and what we want to go towards. We hold them together. 
+It is hard to wish for what we haven’t yet seen. And what if all we know is that we don’t want any more of what we have been exposed to? This is very scary. We may sometimes fixate on solving problems as a way to avoid having dangerous wishes. Our wishes might demand that we abolish this society and create a new one, one that can meet all our wishes. An honest wish can make it hard or even impossible to continue to participate in this society. How are you going to go to work for minimum wage if you know it is completely disconnected from what you want or believe in? What if the only way to meet your wish in our present society is to do something or benefit from something you hate? Me too. But the dangerous wishes are there, under the bed like a monster designed by you for you. 
 
-I have a sixth or seventh sense that your deepest wishes may not be that different from mine. It takes time to be able to understand and articulate them. Even if I knew my wishes I may not be able to describe them because there aren’t many opportunities to practice that type of thinking or speaking. I don’t think wishes can live in a vacuum. Wishes are social. We create them together as we survive and learn what we want to escape and what we want to go towards. We hold them together.
-It is hard to wish for what we haven’t yet seen. And what if all we know is that we don’t want any more of what we have been exposed to? This is very scary. We may sometimes fixate on solving problems as a way to avoid having dangerous wishes. Our wishes might demand that we abolish this society and create a new one, one that can meet all our wishes. An honest wish can make it hard or even impossible to continue to participate in this society. How are you going to go to work for minimum wage if you know it is completely disconnected from what you want or believe in? What if the only way to meet your wish in our present society is to do something or benefit from something you hate? Me too. But the dangerous wishes are there, under the bed like a monster designed by you for you.
-
-## The wish beneath the wish
-
-As a member of a Triangle in the Hologram there is an opportunity to see someone’s struggles in relationship to their spoken or unspoken wishes. In isolation it can be really hard to remember our larger goals and wishes, especially when we have learned to be placated with bad news, untrustworthy information and massively unequal and unfair living conditions. This project asks all participants to uphold a forceful optimism: we will survive better together. We can create a world where our wishes are contingent on each others’ fulfillment, not on endless competition. And we suspect that the wishes we each have, when put together, can give us the energy and sustenance we need to engage in the coming crisis. We can solve each others’ problems as we go towards our dreams, and getting closer to what we want will give us the energy to continue to deal with the never-ending list of emergencies.
-
-The Hologram is one methodology for unpacking our wishes, because I suspect that there is always a wish hiding below our wishes.
+## The wish beneath the wish 
 
+As a member of a Triangle in the Hologram there is an opportunity to see someone’s struggles in relationship to their spoken or unspoken wishes. In isolation it can be really hard to remember our larger goals and wishes, especially when we have learned to be placated with bad news, untrustworthy information and massively unequal and unfair living conditions. This project asks all participants to uphold a forceful optimism: we will survive better together. We can create a world where our wishes are contingent on each others’ fulfillment, not on endless competition. And we suspect that the wishes we each have, when put together, can give us the energy and sustenance we need to engage in the coming crisis. We can solve each others’ problems as we go towards our dreams, and getting closer to what we want will give us the energy to continue to deal with the never-ending list of emergencies. 
+The Hologram is one methodology for unpacking our wishes, because I suspect that there is always a wish hiding below our wishes. 
 For example, you wish for a house on a nice piece of land, somewhere quiet and beautiful. Many people do. But the first level of unpacking includes the following questions: Why might you wish for that? Had you been taught to want that? What are you reproducing? Who else benefits from that wish? Who suffers at the hand of this wish?
-
-Is another layer beneath that? It’s important not to get caught up in beating ourselves up for our wishes, but ask deeper questions, to understand what they are trying to say. What kind of person is constructed by this wish? A taxpayer? A head of household? A gardener? A home decorator? A mother? Does the wish produce the character that you need and want to become, in the conditions that we are living in?
-
-What is below this wish? Is it that you seek stability? Do you desire safety? Do you want to experience natural beauty every day? Do you want to ensure your access to food? Do you want to be able to create a safe space for others in your community?
-
+Is another layer beneath that? It’s important not to get caught up in beating ourselves up for our wishes, but ask deeper questions, to understand what they are trying to say. What kind of person is constructed by this wish? A taxpayer? A head of household? A gardener? A home decorator? A mother? Does the wish produce the character that you need and want to become, in the conditions that we are living in? 
+What is below this wish? Is it that you seek stability? Do you desire safety? Do you want to experience natural beauty every day? Do you want to ensure your access to food? Do you want to be able to create a safe space for others in your community? 
 There is always a multitude of wishes below the original wish. Maybe it’s wishes all the way down. By looking below the wish without shame, we may be able to understand what it is that is non-negotiable, and how we can meet the wish without compromising our values. Because if we fail to question and complicate our wishes, most of us at some point will have a hard time striving to meet our unquestioned wish within a system that is actually killing us or others so that only a handful can have their wish fulfilled, if indeed it is their wish and not a proxy.
-
 The work of excavating our wishes, of carefully and optimistically discovering our wishes beneath our wishes, and the ways our wishes are connected, is some of the work we can do in the Hologram.
 
 
@@ -40,10 +33,10 @@ The work of excavating our wishes, of carefully and optimistically discovering o
 
 ## Activity 2
 
-Move your arms as if you are swimming freestyle, extending one, then the other, in constant motion in big circles, elbows pulling the arms above your shoulders.
+Move your arms as if you are swimming freestyle, extending one, then the other, in constant motion in big circles, elbows pulling the arms above your shoulders. 
 
 As you swim imagine yourself in a vast ocean. Night is falling and a storm is coming. You can’t see the shore, so you use your intuition to orient you. Project yourself in that direction, and swim vigorously so that the motion will naturally put your breath into rhythm. Continue for 7 minutes.
 
-Now, make a list of the three biggest challenges you currently face. If you overcame each of these challenges, recovered your energy, and realized you could safely make a wish, what would that wish be?
+Now, make a list of the three biggest challenges you currently face. If you overcame each of these challenges, recovered your energy, and realized you could safely make a wish, what would that wish be? 
 
 What would it feel like to have support confronting these challenges? How would the three people you listed in Activity 1 offer you the kind of support you need to get to the wish? Create an invitation to your triangle that describes the type of support you would like to receive if they would join your Hologram.

content/topic/commoningcare.md

@@ -20,7 +20,7 @@ Therefore:
 
 > “Being-in-common – that is, community – can no longer be thought of or felt as a community of humans alone; it must become multi-species community that includes all of those with whom our livelihoods are interdependent and interrelated.”- Katherine Gibson
 
-Let's talk a bit about the context now. In the last decades, the organization of social reproduction – the daily and generational reproductive labour occurring in households, schools, hospitals, communities, lands, etc. – has become a subject of inquiry and a central topic from the perspective of capital investments and the labour market: a battle-ground of privatization, regulation and power dynamics along the lines of gender, race, and class.
+Let's talk a bit about the context now. In the last decades, the organization of social reproduction – the daily and generational reproductive labour occurring in households, schools, hospitals, communities, lands, etc. – has become a subject of inquiry and a central topic from the perspective of capital investments and the labour market: a battle-ground of privatization, regulation and power dynamics along the lines of gender, race, and class. 
 
 Within a western perspective, the one I am working and thinking from, it has become evident that the crisis of the welfare system has resulted in many people being "left behind." One response has been a market-oriented “techno-solutionist” hope (Evgeny Morozov, 2013) that digital technologies will help society address the reorganization of care needs (i.e. through health and disease prevention apps). These technologies are mostly developed for individual connected users while they confer a special status to the technologisits involved in defining and solving societal problems. Another response has seen people turn to more common ways of organizing care themselves. Such is the case of the rising platform cooperativism movement; of the transnational collectives experimenting with “Instituting Otherwise” methods (BAK, 2016); and of practices of radical redistribution of income, time, space, and knowledge. These communities are positioning care within specific forms of situated, embodied practices tinkering with technologies. They are refusing the exploitation of the present labour conditions and expressing a transformative vision through commoning wealth and health. They are practicing a different conceptualization of value and values  and, finally, they are rethinking assemblages and kinships from a non-human centric perspective.
 
@@ -32,12 +32,16 @@ The capacity to change perspective depends on a collective redefinition of value
 
 # Sessions in this topic
 
-The following sessions are therefore based on a workshopping practice that makes use of tools from radical play, creative and visual methods for social research and speculative interventions. Sessions come from readings and reflections made within the communities of [Macao](http://macaomilano.org) and [Soprasotto](http://soprasottomilano.it/), which I am part of. The first community is a cultural center organized by art workers since 2012 in Milan (there are several articles online, however, I wrote ![this](bib:258204b4-6cd4-4a93-8479-37bed3e6ab0e) about it). The second commuinty is a pirate nest organized by parents since 2013 in Milan ([here](http://commonfare.net/it/stories/soprasotto-asilo-autogestito?story_locale=en) a short description), the last two sessions are specifically dedicated to this experiment.
+The following sessions are therefore based on a workshopping practice that makes use of tools from radical play, creative and visual methods for social research and speculative interventions. Sessions come from readings and reflections made within the communities of [Macao](http://macaomilano.org) and [Soprasotto](http://soprasottomilano.it/), which I am part of. The first community is a cultural center organized by art workers since 2012 in Milan (there are several articles online, however, I wrote [this](http://hcommons.org/deposits/item/hc:19821/) about it). The second commuinty is a pirate nest organized by parents since 2013 in Milan ([here](http://commonfare.net/it/stories/soprasotto-asilo-autogestito?story_locale=en) a short description), last two sessionin are specifically dedicated to this experiment.
 
-These workshops are straightforward, although able to foster discussions around complex topics (such as social reproduction, the refusal of work, the normativity of social organization). Their aim is to collectively visualize and understand in playful ways:
+These workshops are straightforward, although able to foster discussions around complex topics (such as social reproduction, the refusal of work, the normativity of social organization). Their aim is to collectively visualize and understand in playful ways:  
 - the present relations of power and their asymmetries: ![01. Mapping the Invisible](session:mappingtheinvisible.md) and ![02. Radical Redistribution](session:radicalredistribution.md);
 - the capacity of our decisions to determine common futures and the power dynamics at play when decisions are organized and displayed: ![03. Unproductive Resistance](session:unproductiveresistance.md) and ![04. Exploring Interdependencies](session:exploringinterdependencies.md);
 - and finally, the potential that different ways of “commoning care” are able to unfold ![05. Transgenerational Assembly](session:transgenerationalassembly.md) and ![06. How to build a pirate kindergarten in your neighbourhood](session:howtobuildapiratekindergarteninyourneighbourhood.md).
 
 # Bibliography
-To see a comprehensive list of references for this topic go to the [library](http://syllabus.pirate.care/_preview/library/BROWSE_LIBRARY.html#/search/tags/commoningcare).
+To see a comprehensive list of references for this topic go to the [collection](http://syllabus.pirate.care/_preview/library/BROWSE_LIBRARY.html#/search/tags/commoningcare).
+
+---
+<br/><br/><br/><br/>
+Enjoy and fork. To add, to suggest, to ask: @maddalenafragnito

content/topic/communitysafetyandcontextualfluidity.md

@@ -1,24 +1,26 @@
 ---
 title: "Community Safety from Racialized Policing Using Contextual Fluidity"
-has_sessions: ["centeringmargins.md", "communitysafetyreadinglist.md"]
+has_sessions: ["centeringmargins.md"]
 ---
 
 # An Emerging Practice Model for Anti-Oppressive Pedagogy Embracing Cultural Diversity
 
-This topic lays the groundwork for creating community safety using contextual fluidity[^1] amid the increasing criminalization of care, cultures of violence, and on-going genocide. It will generate discussion centering on margins and inspire those who resist being excluded, oppressed, and live under the constant threat of violence. Tatum states that a subordinate group has to focus on survival in a situation of unequal power[^2]. Borrowing from black abolition feminist scholar Andrea Ritchie, movements against police violence should promote “…nurturing values, visions, and practices”.[^3] Freire’s underlying message of conscientization in *Pedagogy of the Oppressed* is that it is everyone’s responsibility to respond to the situation positively and thoughtfully.[^4]
-
-# Sessions
-
--![](session:centeringmargins.md)
-
--![](session:communitysafetyreadinglist.md)
-
-To see a comprehensive list of references for this topic go to the [library](http://syllabus.pirate.care/_preview/library/BROWSE_LIBRARY.html#/search/tags/communitysafetyandcontextualfluidity).
+(**Note:** ***This is a kernel of a topic on "Creating Community Safety from Racialized Policing Using Contextual Fluidity". The sessions other than ![](session:centeringmargins.md) are yet to be written.***)
 
 
-# Texts on contextual fluidity
+This topic will lay the groundwork for creating community safety using contextual fluidity[^1] amid the increasing criminalization of care, cultures of violence, and on-going genocide. It will generate discussion centering on margins and inspire those who resist being excluded, oppressed, and live under the constant threat of violence. Tatum states that a subordinate group has to focus on survival in a situation of unequal power[^2]. Borrowing from black abolition feminist scholar Andrea Ritchie, movements against police violence should promote “…nurturing values, visions, and practices”.[^3] Freire’s underlying message of conscientization in *Pedagogy of the Oppressed* is that it is everyone’s responsibility to respond to the situation positively and thoughtfully.[^4]
+
+# Texts on Contextual Fluidity:
+
+- Nelson, C.H, and Dennis H. McPherson. 2004. [Contextual Fluidity: an emerging practice model for helping](http://meeting.knet.ca/mp19/mod/forum/discuss.php?d=2808). n.p.: 2004.
+- ![](bib:1be87406-b739-4c0c-8d3e-2adfa1c6943f)
+
 
 [^1]: Nelson, C.H, and Dennis H. McPherson. 2004. [Contextual Fluidity: an emerging practice model for helping](http://meeting.knet.ca/mp19/mod/forum/discuss.php?d=2808). n.p.: 2004.
-[^2]: ![](bib:08042f43-f633-4402-8810-3dccbcd8a99f), "Chapter 2: The Complexity of Identity", 18.
+[^2]: ![Tatum, Beverly Daniel. "Chapter 2: The Complexity of Identity.", in *Can We Talk About Race?: And Other Conversations in an Era of School Resegregation*, Beacon Press, 2008](bib:08042f43-f633-4402-8810-3dccbcd8a99f), 18.
 [^3]: ![](bib:bdd30836-4f43-492c-a743-6b958aefcbb1), 239.
 [^4]: ![](bib:2db196e5-715c-4818-90e0-0fe8fa930142), 6.
+
+
+# References
+To see a comprehensive list of references for this topic go to the [collection](http://syllabus.pirate.care/_preview/library/BROWSE_LIBRARY.html#/search/tags/communitysafetyandcontextualfluidity).

content/topic/coronanotes.md

@@ -48,7 +48,7 @@ Over the last few decades, capitalist development has privatised, defunded and u
 
 The last four decades have seen a two-to three-fold increase in zoonotic leaps of viruses from animals to humans. The zoonotic leaps such as Coronavirus, which seems to have originated from bats (and is found also in other animals), are a consequence of the incursion of industrial agriculture and farming into natural habitats and of growing inclusion of wild species into capitalist food commodity chains that have created conditions for such spillovers. Degraded ecosystems, with their complexity reduced to benefit industrial agriculture, have a lower capacity to halt the spread of epidemics. This will only worsen as planetary ecological destabilisation is expected to spawn new pathogens at an increasing rate. Recent studies are also highlighting the correlation between the severity of the impact of coronavirus and the rates of air pollution in affected areas.
 
-For the majority of people on this planet, who are deemed expendible from the point of view of capital, to die from epidemics or even common viruses has been the norm for a very long time. The pre-existing conditions of neo-colonial poverty, poor health, malnutrition and degraded habitat can weaponise viruses and epidemics. It is believed that 60% of deaths from the Spanish Flue was in Western Bengal. The worst is, however, that many of these diseases have known cures and vaccines. In England, for instance, the life expectancy gap between the richest and the poorest kids today is [18 years](bib:). What Coronavirus is introducing is a class-less variable in the disposition of care provisions, making it impossible, for the moment, to sort out the damned from those who can be saved along the usual axes of discrimination. This condition will not last for long.
+For the majority of people on this planet, who are deemed expendible from the point of view of capital, to die from epidemics or even common viruses has been the norm for a very long time. The pre-existing conditions of neo-colonial poverty, poor health, malnutrition and degraded habitat can weaponise viruses and epidemics. It is believed that 60% of deaths from the Spanish Flue was in Western Bengal. The worst is, however, that many of these diseases have known cures and vaccines. In the UK, for instance, the life expectancy between the richest and the poorest kids is today of [18 years](https://www.ft.com/content/35003f82-565d-11ea-abe5-8e03987b7b20?fbclid=IwAR3bBaG61uScXBsqFIvK8cub7AhbBKiJMVCoSM2DwOGe5z9Ee18AI2funvg). What Coronavirus is introducing is a class-less variable in the disposition of care provisions, making it impossible, for the moment, to sort out the damned from those who can be saved along the usual axes of discrimination. This condition will not last for long.
 
 ## A crisis of domesticity
 
@@ -134,4 +134,4 @@ These are also some sessions already in the syllabus that provide more sources t
 # Further reading
 **See individual sessions and the page with ![](session:coronavirusresources.md)**.
 
----
+---

content/topic/criminalizationofsolidarity.md

@@ -1,65 +1,18 @@
 ---
 title: "Criminalization of Solidarity"
-has_sessions: ["mythbusting.md", "collectivememorywritingbycriminalizedactivists.md", "calloutcopscalloutsystem.md", "dontbeanasshole.md", "readanddisrupt.md", "challengetherulings.md"]
+has_sessions: ["mythbusting.md", "collectivememorywritingbycriminalizedactivists.md", "calloutcopscalloutsystem.md", "dontbeanasshole.md", "readanddisrupt.md"]
 ---
 
-# Understanding whys and hows of criminalization of solidarity
+# Understanding whys and hows
 
-***Keywords:*** criminalization, police, state, governmentality, crimmigration, migrants, refugees, Police (cops) violence/coercion
+When Cédric Herrou was handcuffed and taken to jail by a few police officers, the news worldwide portrayed him as a criminal. One didn't even have to ask why but assumed that helping illegal crossings of migrants from Italy to France was terribly wrong. The mere fact that he helped an *illegal* migrant move justified the ways the repressive apparatus of the state treated him - publicly handcuffed and subjected to further punitive procedures. Accused of smuggling and taken into four-month custody, Herrou was brought to a trial. The trial was turned against Herrou both in the courtroom and publicly as helping the illegal crossings of refugees was strongly condemned. However, a few months later, the principle of *fraternity* enshrined in the French constitution lead to Herrou's [release](https://www.reuters.com/article/us-europe-migrants-france-court/french-farmer-who-helped-migrants-showed-fraternity-court-rules-idUSKBN1JW25S), as it conferred the freedom to provide humanitarian assistance and help others regardless whether they were legally or illegally present on the territory. 
 
----
-When Cédric Herrou was handcuffed and taken to jail by a few police officers, the news worldwide portrayed him as a criminal. One didn't even have to ask why but assumed that helping illegal crossings of migrants from Italy to France was terribly wrong. The mere fact that he helped an *illegal* migrant move justified the ways the repressive apparatus of the state treated him - publicly handcuffed and subjected to further punitive procedures. Accused of smuggling and taken into four-month custody, Herrou was brought to a trial. The trial was turned against Herrou both in the courtroom and publicly as helping the illegal crossings of refugees was strongly condemned. However, a few months later, the principle of *fraternity* enshrined in the French constitution lead to Herrou's ![release](bib:6849b47b-85a5-455c-9fd6-5d9b58bd3b3f), as it conferred the freedom to provide humanitarian assistance and help others regardless whether they were legally or illegally present on the territory.
-
-A recently published report ![Humanitarianism: the unacceptable face of solidarity](bib:fa5fcc36-8599-42e3-bc4f-09e89233ff80) discusses prosecution of more than 40 individuals who dared to assist migrants and refugees in crossing the sea or land borders irregularly. It covers case studies that speak to the rigidity of migration management and regulation of civic disobedience-in-solidarity with migrants and refugees. A recent ![case of a war veteran Dragan Umičević](bib:dcbbaeaa-e044-466d-83bb-5fc8cc0c7860) of ![Are You Syrious!](bib:57e3db33-cfdf-4811-8cf8-2b06beb47af1), who helped a group of refugees including six children freezing in winter at the Croatian-Serbian border, or ![Scott Warren of No more deaths](bib:c7b49a8b-0ca1-4fab-9899-5c3e126a8e65) in Arizona who helped two undocumented migrants along the US-Mexico border, or a volunteer and Syrian refugee ![Sarah Mardini of Emergency Response Centre International](6063b197-a2a5-4992-b9ac-4687504827fa), who was arrested for her humanitarian work in Moira camp, or a ship captain [Carola Rackete of Sea-Watch](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E-p8_V40Wvk), who docked the migrant rescue ship in the port of Lampedusa without authorization, or the ![former mayor of Riace Domenico Lucano](bib:4a58f802-544e-477b-9538-7dffcda1a2e2), who was arrested under accusation of aiding illegal immigrants - all those events speak strongly of clampdown on solidarity actions with migrants and refugees. These people and their organization, just as numerous others that stay invisible and hidden from public sight, have come under state prosecution instrumentalizing the rigid anti-smuggling legal provisions. Fekete notes that "The emergence of autonomous migrant and refugee solidarity movements and the lengths individuals were prepared to go to help were perceived by states as a threat to their control of borders."
+A recently published report ![Humanitarianism: the unacceptable face of solidarity](bib:fa5fcc36-8599-42e3-bc4f-09e89233ff80) discusses prosecution of more than 40 individuals who dared to assist migrants and refugees in crossing the sea or land borders irregularly. It covers case studies that speak to the rigidity of migration management and regulation of civic disobedience-in-solidarity with migrants and refugees. A recent [case of a war veteran Dragan Umičević](https://www.portalnovosti.com/dragan-umicevic-kazna-meni-je-poruka-drugima) of [Are You Syrious](https://euractiv.jutarnji.hr/en/politics-and-society/migrations/humanitarian-ngos-under-assault-from-radicals-spurned-by-authorities/8078207/), who helped a group of refugees including six children freezing in winter at the Croatian-Serbian border, or [Scott Warren of No more deaths](https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news/2019/06/07/creeping-criminalisation-humanitarian-aid) in Arizona who helped two undocumented migrants along the US-Mexico border, or a volunteer and Syrian refugee [Sarah Mardini of Emergency Response Centre International](https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/feature/2019/05/02/refugee-volunteer-prisoner-sarah-mardini-and-europe-s-hardening-line-migration), who was arrested for her humanitarian work in Moira camp, or a ship captain [Carola Rackete of Sea-Watch](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E-p8_V40Wvk), who docked the migrant rescue ship in the port of Lampedusa without authorization, or a [mayor of Riace Domenico Lucano](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/oct/02/pro-refugee-italian-mayor-arrested-suspicion-aiding-illegal-migration-domenico-lucano-riace), who was arrested under accusation of aiding illegal immigrants - all those events speak strongly of clampdown on solidarity actions with migrants and refugees. These people and their organization, just as numerous others that stay invisible and hidden from public sight, have come under state prosecution instrumentalizing the rigid anti-smuggling legal provisions. Fekete notes that "The emergence of autonomous migrant and refugee solidarity movements and the lengths individuals were prepared to go to help were perceived by states as a threat to their control of borders." 
 
 The border control and the *security obsession* as coined by Mattelart (2010) have been strongly inscribed in the current European, American and global migration regimes. They have been labelling migrants and refugees as threats and creating an industry *enemizing* them and those who identify and solidarize with them.
 
-Illegal or irregular crossings of migrants represent one of the most serious violations of entering foreign sovereign territory within the complex web of punitive technologies entailed in the migration management regimes. Both migrants who are perceived as bodies carrying the culture of criminality (cf. [Harvest of Empire](http://harvestofempiremovie.com/)) and helpers, whether they help crossings for the intrinsic reasons or for the extrinsic reason of money, are represented as criminals. The current migration regime treats them all as smugglers and criminals alike so that the logical and only next step is incarceration and punishment. That representation is perpetual due to its productive spread - it is not only centralized in state actors but among the public too. We sure can notice the spill-over effects within societies, where the fear of danger and unsafety stoked by intense propaganda we have been exposed to in our everyday lives (remember Viktor Orbán or Matteo Salvini's political agendas) mobilized defence mechanisms. Drawing on the Foucauldian approach, the *governmentality* of criminalization of migration (i.e. crimmigration) and criminalization of solidarity has permeated different spaces.
+Illegal or irregular crossings of migrants represent one of the most serious violations of entering foreign sovereign territory within the complex web of punitive technologies entailed in the migration management regimes. Both migrants who are perceived as bodies carrying the culture of criminality (cf. [Harvest of Empire](http://harvestofempiremovie.com/)) and helpers, whether they help crossings for the intrinsic reasons or for the extrinsic reason of money, are represented as criminals. The current migration regime treats them all as smugglers and criminals alike so that the logical and only next step is incarceration and punishment. That representation is perpetual due to its productive spread - it is not only centralized in state actors but among the public too. We sure can notice the spill-over effects within societies, where the fear of danger and unsafety stoked by intense propaganda we have been exposed to in our everyday lives (remember Viktor Orbán or Matteo Salvini's political agendas) mobilized defence mechanisms. Drawing on the Foucauldian approach, the *governmentality* of criminalization of migration (i.e. crimmigration) and criminalization of solidarity has permeated different spaces. 
 
 Criminalization of solidarity through humanitarian assistance represents violation of the international humanitarian law and international human rights law as well as a violation of constitutions and legislations of liberal democracies. It is also deeply counter-human and counter-social. Yet, the production of fear and danger has been extremely pervasive, thus deteriorating social trust and deepening the harm perpetuated against refugees and migrants.
 
 Such political tendencies call for anti-hegemonic counter-actions that can create openings for envisioning possibilities of creating solidarity and radicalizing both political spaces and our responses. The sessions that follow offer a pedagogy that invites people and groups who are willing to act locally in this transnationally connected political space to reconsider how to tackle the complexities of criminalization of solidarity. The pedagogical ideas here are calling for a critical shift and a politicization of these troubled realities.
-
-Sessions in this topic include:
-- ![](session:mythbusting.md)
-- ![](session:calloutcopscalloutsystem.md)
-- ![](session:challengetherulings.md)
-- ![](session:dontbeanasshole.md)
-- ![](session:readanddisrupt.md)
-- ![](session:collectivememorywritingbycriminalizedactivists.md)
-
-mythbusting, collectivememorywritingbycriminalizedactivists, calloutcopscalloutsystem, dontbeanasshole, readanddisrupt, challengetherulings
-
-# Resources
-
-## Reports and Press Releases
-
-- ![](bib:fe9fcb47-005a-450a-ac90-44f7b1d8bb40)
-- ![](bib:0d23d9fe-1a39-42b2-b2bf-f0aa89cb925f)
-- ![](bib:df92d69c-541d-4d45-b307-73f12f226b4d)
-- ![](bib:67ce6065-260c-48ff-a018-866ee371b3ca)
-- ![](bib:6881c865-ae99-4e00-9bf9-f618965c7d26)
-- ![](bib:2865ef11-cf63-4599-8e91-12d8e8c7618d)
-- ![](bib:9aa7c334-4016-4ae5-b853-b8a644c40a53)
-
-## Web pages
-
-- Emmaüs Roya - https://defendstacitoyennete.fr
-- Border Angels - https://www.borderangels.org
-- Docs not Cops - http://www.docsnotcops.co.uk
-- Patients not Passports - https://patientsnotpassports.co.uk
-- Migrants Organise - https://www.migrantsorganise.org
-- Shapshots from the borders - http://www.snapshotsfromtheborders.eu/criminalization-of-solidarity/
-
-## Books
-
-- Liz Fekete & Francis Weber,1994.'*Inside Racist Europe*.Institute of Race Relations(http://www.irr.org.uk/publications/issues/inside-racist-europe/).
-- ![](bib:39c9c674-3568-4833-af70-2f2ac310eeb2)
-
-## Papers
-
-- ![](bib:3b58bd83-48c3-48d5-ad73-a56ea7554e5b)
-- ![](bib:40e1d315-9f12-4377-8000-33eaf7850890)
-- ![](bib:2c923f7e-0d6f-40a1-9e2d-be268c8c7976)
-
-To see a comprehensive list of references for this topic go to the [library](http://syllabus.pirate.care/_preview/library/BROWSE_LIBRARY.html#/search/tags/criminalizationofsolidarity)

content/topic/fosteringequityanddiversityinthehackermakerscene.md

@@ -5,23 +5,23 @@ has_sessions: ["diversifingyournarratives.md", "mappingtheunspoken.md", "etextil
 
 
 # Introduction
-Pirate Care is an emergent phenomenon where a growing number of initiatives related to health and care find themselves inhabiting grey regulatory zones, which pop-up more and more often. At the same time, a lot of projects born within the maker community, intersecting with hacker culture, are using open source and digital technologies to co-create solutions in situations where public or private institutions are idle.
+Pirate Care is an emergent phenomenon where a growing number of initiatives related to health and care find themselves inhabiting grey regulatory zones, which pop-up more and more often. At the same time, a lot of projects born within the maker community, intersecting with hacker culture, are using open source and digital technologies to co-create solutions in situations where public or private institutions are idle. 
 
 These initiatives share the vision that technology can be redirected toward new purposes and grounded to sustain different narratives, in which citizen perceive themselves as “contributors” rather than “consumers” of technology and science. Actively countering the deterministic trends of both these domains, the makers’ approach enhances the relation with the world through concrete material engagement, by challenging normative views of knowledge production and expertise.
 
 Hackers and Makers ideally embrace an egalitarian vision of making, but very often, in practice, we see that at the level of access and opportunities such values lack a concrete application, because making always takes place in spaces and times influenced by institutional, societal, and individual histories.
 
-This contribution to the Pirate Care Syllabus is a tentative effort to start a process of sharing resources and practices to recognise, on one side, how science and technology have been playing a leading role in the toolbox of the powerful, by limiting the self-empowerment of historically marginalized communities and/or reinforcing existing values and biased ideologies. On the other side, this tpoic hopes to spread a set of resources and tools within the maker community, to help it avoid the same mistakes other disciplines have done in the past and to bring awareness on the different opportunities unfolding with a more diverse approach.
+This contribution to the Pirate Care Syllabus is a tentative effort to start a process of sharing resources and practices to recognise, on one side, how science and technology have been playing a leading role in the toolbox of the powerful, by limiting the self-empowerment of historically marginalized communities and/or reinforcing existing values and biased ideologies. On the other side, this tpoic hopes to spread a set of resources and tools within the maker community, to help it avoid the same mistakes other disciplines have done in the past and to bring awareness on the different opportunities unfolding with a more diverse approach.  
 
-From an activist perspective, the word “decolonising” is becoming more and more useful for naming and understanding broader implications of phenomena that have a long history in shaping the social, much beyond physical borders. As ![Beatrice Martini](bib:f431bf1f-2cae-405c-9b24-8d9fcb3e80aa) highlights in the introduction of her reading list:
+From an activist perspective, the word “decolonising” is becoming more and more useful for naming and understanding broader implications of phenomena that have a long history in shaping the social, much beyond physical borders. As [Beatrice Martini](https://beatricemartini.it/blog/decolonizing-technology-reading-list/) highlights in the introduction of her reading list:
 
 > ”One example of this kind of ‘borderless colonial’ phenomenon comes from digital technology. While many technical innovations are asserted as universally positive and beneficial to communities worldwide, beyond borders and across cultures, a closer analysis of who holds the power, who has agency, and whose interests are promoted, can often reveal a very different picture.” <
 
 Therefore we need to pay deeper attention to what constitutes a "community" and how the unequal distribution of agency impacts the way learning and making can take shape across the borders of gender, race, and class.
 
-In recent years, the science and tech community has been taking a self-reflexive look at the role these fields of expertise played historically and presently in society, to prevent perpetuating mistakes and address patterns of exclusion. In the same way, this syllabus topic is an invitation for the maker/hacker community to embed this perspective in our practices because even science, which is first of all a method, but soon became an industry and a dispositive of power, has proved to be harmful, if not guided by ethical principles of equity.
+In recent years, the science and tech community has been taking a self-reflexive look at the role these fields of expertise played historically and presently in society, to prevent perpetuating mistakes and address patterns of exclusion. In the same way, this syllabus topic is an invitation for the maker/hacker community to embed this perspective in our practices because even science, which is first of all a method, but soon became an industry and a dispositive of power, has proved to be harmful, if not guided by ethical principles of equity.  
 
-As makers and hackers, developing a perspective look at our places and practices means being aware that people can simultaneously experience privilege and oppression depending on the context. The image below shows the framework by the **Intersectionality** concept which was coined by lawyer and civil rights advocate Kimberlé W. Crenshaw in 1989, and rooted in the research and activism of women of color, extending back to Sojourner Truth’s [“Ain’t I a Woman”](bib:cdab655e-a5b1-4fd0-8ba7-04203157bbf1) speech in 1851. It reveals how the most pressing social justice issues can't be productively addressed through traditional frameworks or by explaining these problems as the product of just one axis of exclusion. We need to take a deeper look at the interconnected factors that influence power, privilege and oppression and the intersectional approach helps focus on systems and contexts to be decolonised.
+As makers and hackers, developing a perspective look at our places and practices means being aware that people can simultaneously experience privilege and oppression depending on the context. The image below shows the framework by the **Intersectionality** concept which was coined by lawyer and civil rights advocate Kimberlé W. Crenshaw in 1989, and rooted in the research and activism of women of color, extending back to Sojourner Truth’s [“Ain’t I a Woman”](https://www.nps.gov/articles/sojourner-truth.htm) speech in 1851. It reveals how the most pressing social justice issues can't be productively addressed through traditional frameworks or by explaining these problems as the product of just one axis of exclusion. We need to take a deeper look at the interconnected factors that influence power, privilege and oppression and the intersectional approach helps focus on systems and contexts to be decolonised. 
 
 In the makerspaces, hacking and fablab context, this means considering who is impacted (or not) by the work that we do, whose voices are missing, questioning assumptions made in activities, while we engage the community or design our educational programs.
 
@@ -34,7 +34,7 @@ This topic has (so far) three sessions, where I proposed 3 possible activities t
 - ![](session:etextilesasatooltodecolonizeelectronics.md)
 
 
-![Intersectionality Spectrum](static/topic/fosteringequityanddiversityinthehackermakerscene/intersectionality-sources-cited.jpg)
+![Intersectionality Spectrum](https://www.awis.org/wp-content/uploads/intersectionality-sources-cited.jpg)
 
 # Reading Resources
 
@@ -55,19 +55,20 @@ This topic has (so far) three sessions, where I proposed 3 possible activities t
 ## Papers
 - ![](bib:f84d5ef7-bc1a-4ac4-b155-74974c9bbc0a)
 - ![](bib:c55ccb47-8557-4014-8149-fb80abb40156)
-- ![](bib:0d461bed-1bb2-443a-a263-e94843895ddb)
-- ![](bib:1c236cac-9b7e-4e50-9353-b433a93ed82e)
-- [Feminist and women's hackerspaces](https://geekfeminism.wikia.org/wiki/Feminist_and_women%27s_hackerspaces)
-- ![](bib:34d5fc09-931c-4a50-9bd3-8d442b4291fb)
+- ![](bib:0d461bed-1bb2-443a-a263-e94843895ddb)  
+- ![](bib:1c236cac-9b7e-4e50-9353-b433a93ed82e) 
+- [Feminist and women's hackerspaces](https://geekfeminism.wikia.org/wiki/Feminist_and_women%27s_hackerspaces) 
+
+- ![](bib:34d5fc09-931c-4a50-9bd3-8d442b4291fb) 
 - ![](bib:17a78340-e9a4-4080-af5d-d59693a296da)
 - ![](bib:89fa1e3c-0013-4e01-a7b4-5bce3e30c1fe)
-- ![](bib:17619836-5cbd-4c55-a7a9-b5d94fd5099b)
-- ![](bib:ddce3f36-2a20-4596-91e7-102547183b2f)
-- ![](bib:9cc69a33-7d1b-4707-aed1-0899f0a966db)
+- ![](bib:17619836-5cbd-4c55-a7a9-b5d94fd5099b) 
+- [How Race & Gender Interact To Shape Inequality](https://decolonizeallthethings.com/2019/03/19/how-race-gender-interact-to-shape-inequality/) 
+- [A Longitudinal Study of Equity-Oriented STEM-Rich Making Among Youth From Historically Marginalized Communities ](https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.3102/0002831218758668)
 - ![](bib:1c236cac-9b7e-4e50-9353-b433a93ed82e)
-- ![](bib:a8d6dc2d-9163-4dc3-a931-cc69aa1442d3)
+- [Queer Science: LGBT Scientists Discuss Coming Out at Work](https://www.bitchmedia.org/post/queer-science-lgbt-scientists-discuss-coming-out-at-work)
 - ![](bib:38e08cc6-b47a-4cc5-b170-1173afd76cac)
-- ![](bib:47c73092-1ba0-4b92-ae00-20eb45871996)
+- ![](bib:47c73092-1ba0-4b92-ae00-20eb45871996) 
 - ![](bib:ab904333-d9fb-42e2-8754-89dcee55adde)
 ---
 
@@ -75,24 +76,25 @@ This topic has (so far) three sessions, where I proposed 3 possible activities t
 
 - ![](bib:5f97d0cf-3bf1-43b9-8a0c-32da74ffe717)
 
-**On decolonizing as a concept**
-- ![](bib:83195705-a662-4fee-88af-d76cfdad0c7b)
-- ![](bib:c311afa3-0a20-4457-948e-83d9693c39ef)
+On decolonizing as a concept
+- [We need a decolonized not a diverse education](http://harlot.media/articles/1058/we-need-a-decolonized-not-a-diverse-education)
+- [Digital Colonialism, the internet as a tool of cultural hegemony](https://web.archive.org/web/20190316002911/http://www.knowledgecommons.in/brasil/en/whats-wrong-with-current-internet-governance/digital-colonialism-the-internet-as-a-tool-of-cultural-hegemony/) 
 - ![](bib:2020bc10-ff93-434f-8309-f59f2e829e27)
 
-**On gender diversity**
 
-![What happened to Women in computer science?](/topic/fosteringequityanddiversityinthehackermakerscene/womenincomputerscience.jpeg)
+On gender diversity 
+
+- ![What happened to Women in computer science?](/topic/fosteringequityanddiversityinthehackermakerscene/womenincomputerscience.jpeg)
 
 - ![](bib:da17941f-c5a0-421e-82cf-8d1e4c050bc4)
 
-- ![](bib:778532ad-f303-489f-b201-98a80209f7b5)
+- ![](bib:778532ad-f303-489f-b201-98a80209f7b5) 
 
 - ![](bib:5b633d01-e68d-4cab-93d5-91981b7ad83a)
 
 - ![](bib:247801a3-ea43-4dc6-bb10-5f47f60994af)
 
-**On horizontality**
+On horizontality
 
 - ![](bib:8890b894-9bac-4095-af69-da24929cb2f0)
 
@@ -100,11 +102,11 @@ This topic has (so far) three sessions, where I proposed 3 possible activities t
 
 ## Links
 
-- [D.A.T.S. Scientific Ethics Statement & Reading Guide](https://decolonizeallthescience.com/)
-- [Technology Colonialism](https://modelviewculture.com/pieces/technology-colonialism )
+- [D.A.T.S. Scientific Ethics Statement & Reading Guide](https://decolonizeallthescience.com/) 
+- [Technology Colonialism](https://modelviewculture.com/pieces/technology-colonialism ) 
 - [Decolonisation is not a metaphor](https://www.researchgate.net/publication/277992187_Decolonization_Is_Not_a_Metaphor)
-- [Timeline of geek feminism](https://geekfeminism.wikia.org/wiki/Timeline_of_geek_feminism)
-- [Timeline of women in computing ](https://rarlindseysmash.com/WiCVis/index.html)
+- [Timeline of geek feminism](https://geekfeminism.wikia.org/wiki/Timeline_of_geek_feminism) 
+- [Timeline of women in computing ](https://rarlindseysmash.com/WiCVis/index.html) 
 - [Computer Grrrls - Exhibition](https://gaite-lyrique.net/en/event/computer-grrrls)
 - [Computer Grrrls - Leaflet](https://gaite-lyrique.net/storage/2019/04/04/computer-grrrls-exhibition-leaflet-english.pdf)
 - [Google’s Ideological Echo Chamber](https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/3914586/Googles-Ideological-Echo-Chamber.pdf)
@@ -122,4 +124,6 @@ This topic has (so far) three sessions, where I proposed 3 possible activities t
 ## Videos
 - [Inclusion & Exclusion collection on Hack_curio](https://hackcur.io/category/inclusions-exclusions/)
 
-To see a comprehensive list of references for this topic go to the [library](http://syllabus.pirate.care/_preview/library/BROWSE_LIBRARY.html#/search/tags/fosteringequityanddiversityinthehackermakerscene)
+---
+
+Wanna contribute? Drop me a message on twitter @zoescope

content/topic/hologramsocialcare.md

@@ -4,20 +4,16 @@ has_sessions: ["trust.md", "wishes.md", "hologramtime.md", "patterns.md", "holog
 ---
 # The Hologram: An open-source, peer-to-peer, viral social technology for dehabituating humans from capitalism
 
-The following is a short course to prepare us to become holograms, which is to say to develop and practice The Hologram as a method of organized social care and collective liberation. In a world where caring is criminalized when not performed by the proper authorities, while racial capitalism ensures that everyone is a little sick, we need pirate practices that do not comply with the for-profit, nationalist, carceral healthcare systems . This peer to peer practice offers a structured set of instructions for how to distribute the labour of care and to reveal that everyone is a healer and can be healed. We can produce health with stuff we have, hidden in plain sight. It is a pirate practice in that it is proactive and disobedient, it is a formalization of what people already know what to do-- it just gives us permission and helps us remember how. It does so with a wish to create a network of healthy and cooperative people who can use their collective power to demolish capitalism and to build a new world.
-
-This curriculum is the residue of a four-part Hologram workshop designed and delivered once per week online with a group of 28 participants from around the world in April 2020 during the Covid-19 lockdown. These texts are currently used in all of our ongoing Hologram training courses, and anyone who is interested in the project or course is welcome to read and work with these materials.
-
-The objective of the past, present and future Hologram courses is to create a laboratory to experiment with building social and communicative skills and practices that would be useful to starting and maintaining a Hologram. The group practices specific verbal and somatic communication skills and experiments with vulnerability, trust and cooperation, all contextualized in a theoretical framework. Throughout each course, all participants attempt to use the personal pronoun “we” when describing their own or another person’s experiences, thoughts or feelings.
+The following is a short course to prepare us to become holograms, which is to say to develop and practice The Hologram as a method of organized social care and collective liberation. In a world where caring is criminalized when not performed by the proper authorities, while racial capitalism ensures that everyone is a little sick, we need pirate practices that do not comply with the for-profit, nationalist, carceral healthcare systems . This peer to peer practice offers a structured set of instructions for how to distribute the labour of care and to reveal that everyone is a healer and can be healed. We can produce health with stuff we have, hidden in plain sight. It is a pirate practice in that it is proactive and disobedient, it is a formalization of what people already know what to do-- it just gives us permission and helps us remember how . It does so with a wish to create a network of healthy and cooperative people who can use their collective power to demolish capitalism and to build a new world.
+This curriculum is the residue of a four-part Hologram workshop designed and delivered once per week by Cassie Thornton and Lita Wallis online with a group of 28 participants from around the world in April 2020 during the Covid-19 lockdown. These texts are currently used in all of our ongoing Hologram training courses, and anyone who is interested in the project or course is welcome to read and work with these materials. 
+The objective of the past, present and future Hologram courses is to create a laboratory to experiment with building social and communicative skills and practices that would be useful to starting and maintaining a Hologram. The group practices specific verbal and somatic communication skills and experiments with vulnerability, trust and cooperation, all contextualized in a theoretical framework. Throughout each course, all participants attempt to use the personal pronoun “we” when describing their own or another person’s experiences, thoughts or feelings. 
 
 
 ## New patterns for a post-capitalist now
 
-At its broadest and most ambitious scale The Hologram is intended as an open-source, peer-to-peer, viral social technology for dehabituating humans from capitalism. Capitalism is not only an economic system, it's a cultural and social system as well, which deeply influences how we relate to one another, how we interact, how we imagine ourselves and one another, even how we talk and feel.  The Hologram relies on us disentangling ourselves from capitalism’s influence, and that of white supremacy, colonialism, (cis hetero) patriarchy and other systems of domination, and it also helps us in this untangling.
-
+At its broadest and most ambitious scale The Hologram is intended as an open-source, peer-to-peer, viral social technology for dehabituating humans from capitalism. Capitalism is not only an economic system, it's a cultural and social system as well, which deeply influences how we relate to one another, how we interact, how we imagine ourselves and one another, even how we talk and feel.  The Hologram relies on us disentangling ourselves from capitalism’s influence, and that of white supremacy, colonialism, (cis hetero) patriarchy and other systems of domination, and it also helps us in this untangling. 
 For this reason, in addition to the social practices involved in forming groups of four and doing the work of “social holography,” The Hologram is also a delivery mechanism for ideas about how we can reinvent our world by developing new daily habits that incorporate radical re-interpretations of these four themes: Trust, wishes, time and patterns.
-
-The following is an abbreviated set of materials from the April workshop to help readers reflect on and transform their habits and approaches to these important themes. This is meant to be group work, but we are alone right now, so we hope that these ideas and practices may inspire or contribute to how we already imagine and organize our care labor. Each unit includes a brief series of reflections as well as several exercises we can do to prepare for practicing the Hologram model in the future.
+The following is an abbreviated set of materials from the April workshop to help readers reflect on and transform their habits and approaches to these important themes. This is meant to be group work, but we are alone right now, so we hope that these ideas and practices may inspire or contribute to how we already imagine and organize our care labor. Each unit includes a brief series of reflections as well as several exercises we can do to prepare for practicing the Hologram model in the future. 
 
 ## A note on terminology
 
@@ -30,4 +26,4 @@ The Hologram refers to the project as a whole, whereas a Hologram (capitalized b
 - ![](session:wishes.md)
 - ![](session:hologramtime.md)
 - ![](session:patterns.md)
-- ![](session:hologrampractice.md)
+- ![](session:hologrampractice.md)

content/topic/hormonestoxicityandbodysovereignty.md

@@ -5,11 +5,11 @@ has_sessions: ["excavatinghistoriesandfictions.md", "micromacroconnections.md",
 
 # Introduction
 
-Since the rise of industrial capitalism (petrochemical, agricultural, and pharmaceutical) in the mid to late 1800s, synthetic molecules have been produced and manufactured at an alarming and unrelenting pace and now pervade every aspect of the planet. These synthetic molecules are synonymously known as persistent organic pollutants (POPs), endocrine disrupting compounds (EDCs), and xenoestrogens because of their estrogen-mimicking and estrogen-displacing properties. From the discovery of PCBs in the Mariana’s Trench, the deepest parts of the Earth, to whole populations of birds, frogs, and fish failing to produce viable offspring, to the trans-generational cancers inherited from grandmothers who were prescribed diethylstilbestrol during pregnancy to prevent miscarriage, this microscopic moment on the scale of geologic time is already (and continues) to be marked by unprecedented levels of environmental toxicity, drastic planetary changes and collective species mutations.
+Since the rise of industrial capitalism (petrochemical, agricultural, and pharmaceutical) in the mid to late 1800s, synthetic molecules have been produced and manufactured at an alarming and unrelenting pace and now pervade every aspect of the planet. These synthetic molecules are synonymously known as persistent organic pollutants (POPs), endocrine disrupting compounds (EDCs), and xenoestrogens because of their estrogen-mimicking and estrogen-displacing properties. From the discovery of PCBs in the Mariana’s Trench, the deepest parts of the Earth, to whole populations of birds, frogs, and fish failing to produce viable offspring, to the trans-generational cancers inherited from grandmothers who were prescribed diethylstilbestrol during pregnancy to prevent miscarriage, this microscopic moment on the scale of geologic time is already (and continues) to be marked by unprecedented levels of environmental toxicity, drastic planetary changes and collective species mutations. 
 
-Writer Rob Nixon has called this phenomenon of the Anthropocene a kind of ![“slow violence”](bib:08713e57-ba12-4fa4-b839-669d62f3e463) that is everywhere yet difficult to perceive. In contrast to blatant catastrophic events such as the Chernobyl nuclear disaster, the effects of environmental toxicity are gradual and therefore imperceptible in a way similar to climate change. The effects of these synthetic molecules on the human body have been linked to neurological (autism, lower IQ, mood disorders) and physiological effects (diabetes, obesity, early-onset puberty, worldwide sperm count drop), as well as various reproductive cancers. These molecules drift, seep, wander, flow, invade wherever they please, carried by both air and water in invisible and unimaginable ways. Furthermore, the presence of these molecules are unequally distributed, reflecting pre-existing lines of inequality and more often affecting black, indigenous, and marginalized communities.
+Writer Rob Nixon has called this phenomenon of the Anthropocene a kind of ![“slow violence”](bib:08713e57-ba12-4fa4-b839-669d62f3e463) that is everywhere yet difficult to perceive. In contrast to blatant catastrophic events such as the Chernobyl nuclear disaster, the effects of environmental toxicity are gradual and therefore imperceptible in a way similar to climate change. The effects of these synthetic molecules on the human body have been linked to neurological (autism, lower IQ, mood disorders) and physiological effects (diabetes, obesity, early-onset puberty, worldwide sperm count drop), as well as various reproductive cancers. These molecules drift, seep, wander, flow, invade wherever they please, carried by both air and water in invisible and unimaginable ways. Furthermore, the presence of these molecules are unequally distributed, reflecting pre-existing lines of inequality and more often affecting black, indigenous, and marginalized communities. 
 
-So what does it mean if our bodies are industrially modulated, that our sex, gender, and reproduction are not as fixed and recalcitrant as we were told they would be? How do we situate our bodies, identities, and fears in the midst of toxic and alienating environments? Most importantly, how do we discard old notions of the normative body so that we can breed new subjectivities that include ALL ways of being? Despite many lobbying and activist efforts to change legislation on their production, molecules continue to queer, risk, and harm both humans and non-humans. At the same time, we have the State policing of non-normative bodies on the basis of oppressive gender constructs, from violent intersex surgeries to the denial of hormonal healthcare to trans individuals. Therefore in the spirit of Pirate Care and the formation of micro-resistances, we must take back sovereignty of our bodies from patriarchal and hegemonic forces, and refigure strategies for living, acting, and caring in a permanently polluted world. Intersecting between body and gender politics and environmental toxicity, this topic and its sessions call on participants to undo the trap of eco-heteronormativity, reassess toxicity without rhetorics of purity, neutralize fears, decolonize somatic fictions, demystify hormones, and ultimately rewrite a future that undoubtedly embodies queerness.
+So what does it mean if our bodies are industrially modulated, that our sex, gender, and reproduction are not as fixed and recalcitrant as we were told they would be? How do we situate our bodies, identities, and fears in the midst of toxic and alienating environments? Most importantly, how do we discard old notions of the normative body so that we can breed new subjectivities that include ALL ways of being? Despite many lobbying and activist efforts to change legislation on their production, molecules continue to queer, risk, and harm both humans and non-humans. At the same time, we have the State policing of non-normative bodies on the basis of oppressive gender constructs, from violent intersex surgeries to the denial of hormonal healthcare to trans individuals. Therefore in the spirit of Pirate Care and the formation of micro-resistances, we must take back sovereignty of our bodies from patriarchal and hegemonic forces, and refigure strategies for living, acting, and caring in a permanently polluted world. Intersecting between body and gender politics and environmental toxicity, this topic and its sessions call on participants to undo the trap of eco-heteronormativity, reassess toxicity without rhetorics of purity, neutralize fears, decolonize somatic fictions, demystify hormones, and ultimately rewrite a future that undoubtedly embodies queerness. 
 
 # Sessions
 
@@ -21,4 +21,4 @@ This topic includes the following sessions:
 
 # References
 
-To see a reading list for this topic go to the [library](http://syllabus.pirate.care/_preview/library/BROWSE_LIBRARY.html#/search/tags/horomonestoxicitybodysovereignty)
+Click here to for a complete [Hormones, Toxicity and Body Sovereignity reading list](http://syllabus.pirate.care/_preview/library/BROWSE_LIBRARY.html#/search/tags/horomonestoxicitybodysovereignty)

content/topic/housingstruggles.md

@@ -4,15 +4,15 @@ has_sessions: ["debtandhousingstruggles.md", "strugglesforsocialhousing.md", "ho
 ---
 # Approach
 
-Housing today constitutes a new terrain for expansion of financial capital and financial speculations. These changes have brought about an increase in the prices of housing and land and, as a consquence, an unprecedented rise in household debt. Due to speculation, the number of empty flats waiting to be sold only when the price is right has been growing. In this situation housing has been increasingly changing function from someone's home to a place for investment, savings, or collateral for someone's pension. Some of the consequences of such a system have been a growing housing precarity, an army of evicted and homeless, and entire generations unable to attain home of their own. In our opinion, as long as housing continues to be treated as an asset these problems will prevail.
-
+Housing today constitutes a new terrain for expansion of financial capital and financial speculations. These changes have brought about an increase in the prices of housing and land and, as a consquence, an unprecedented rise in household debt. Due to speculation, the number of empty flats waiting to be sold only when the price is right has been growing. In this situation housing has been increasingly changing function from someone's home to a place for investment, savings, or collateral for someone's pension. Some of the consequences of such a system have been a growing housing precarity, an army of evicted and homeless, and entire generations unable to attain home of their own. In our opinion, as long as housing continues to be treated as an asset these problems will prevail. 
+ 
 We believe that the housing question can be understood only in dialectical relation between economy and grassroots struggles. It is about unlearning the mainstream cynical narratives and relearning housing from the perspective of the struggles. We want to connect knowledge around housing to power relations. Our aim is to create grounds for a collective learning process about housing that could lead to better understanding how to take constructive action and bring about necessary change towards a universal access to housing.
 
 # Sessions
+ 
+In this topic, sessions have been organized around two focuses: critical perspective on certain issues related to housing and examples of organizing. The issues that we have chosen are just some of the building blocks that make a complex story about housing. 
 
-In this topic, sessions have been organized around two focuses: critical perspective on certain issues related to housing and examples of organizing. The issues that we have chosen are just some of the building blocks that make a complex story about housing.
-
-We have organized this topic in eight sessions:
+We have organized this topic in eight sessions: 
 
 - ![](session:debtandhousingstruggles.md)
 - ![](session:strugglesforsocialhousing.md)
@@ -24,7 +24,4 @@ We have organized this topic in eight sessions:
 - ![](session:badhousingmakesussick.md)
 
 The sessions are organized around a basic question: Is the housing issue an issue of collective care or a means of profit? It is clear for us. Housing is a form of collective care that has to be fought for through mutual aid and in constant disobedience to neoliberal privatization tendencies. We hope that we have managed to make that argument and that those of you who will be working with this topic will feel the same.
-
-# References
-
-To see a comprehensive list of references for this topic go to the [library](http://syllabus.pirate.care/_preview/library/BROWSE_LIBRARY.html#/search/tags/housingstruggles)
+ 

content/topic/piratecareintroduction.md

@@ -6,7 +6,7 @@ has_sessions: ["whatiscare.md", "crisisofcare.md", "piracyandcivildisobedience.m
 
 This Introduction gives an overview of the main questions and concerns voiced by the expression ‘pirate care’, which also the gathering principle for bringing together the different knowledges, techniques and tools shared in this collective syllabus.
 
-Pirate Care primarily considers the assumption that we live in a time in which care, understood as a political and collective capacity of society, is becoming increasingly defunded, discouraged and criminalised. Neoliberal policies have for the last two decades re-organised the basic care provisions that were previously considered cornerstones of democratic life - healthcare, housing, access to knowledge, right to asylum, freedom of mobility, social benefits, etc. - turning them into tools for surveilling, excluding and punishing the most vulnerable. The name Pirate Care refers to those initiatives that have emerged in opposition to such political climate by self-organising technologically-enabled care & solidarity networks.
+Pirate Care primarily considers the assumption that we live in a time in which care, understood as a political and collective capacity of society, is becoming increasingly defunded, discouraged and criminalised. Neoliberal policies have for the last two decades re-organised the basic care provisions that were previously considered cornerstones of democratic life - healthcare, housing, access to knowledge, right to asylum, freedom of mobility, social benefits, etc. - turning them into tools for surveilling, excluding and punishing the most vulnerable. The name Pirate Care refers to those initiatives that have emerged in opposition to such political climate by self-organising technologically-enabled care & solidarity networks. 
 
 # On the Concept of Pirate Care
 
@@ -22,230 +22,223 @@ There is a need to revisit piracy and its philosophical implications - such as s
 
 The present moment requires a non-oppositional and nuanced approach to the mutual implications of care and technology (Mol et al., 2010: 14)[^14], stretching the perimeters of both. And so, while the seminal definition of care distilled by Joan Tronto and Berenice Fisher sees it as 'everything that we do to maintain, continue, and repair "our world" so that we can live in it as well as possible' (Tronto & Fisher, 1990: 40)[^7], contemporary feminist materialist scholars such as Maria Puig de La Bellacasa feel the need to modify these parameters to include 'relations [that] maintain and repair a world so that humans and non-humans can live in it as well as possible in a complex life-sustaining web' (Puig de La Bellacasa, 2017: 97)[^6]. It is in this spirit that we propose to examine how can we learn to compose (Stengers, 2015)[^15] answers to crises across a range of social domains, and alongside technologies and care practices.
 
-If confronting the unequal provision of care has long been a focus of progressive political organising, today’s hyper-interconnected and heavily exhausted world calls for radical approaches and tools for militant caring that, while might not provide readymade, one-size-fits-all answers, might allow us to prefigure different forms of co-inhabitation on this planet.
+If confronting the unequal provision of care has long been a focus of progressive political organising, today’s hyper-interconnected and heavily exhausted world calls for radical approaches and tools for militant caring that, while might not provide readymade, one-size-fits-all answers, might allow us to prefigure different forms of co-inhabitation on this planet. 
 Pirate Care is therefore interested in researching how to re-conceive care provisions across the tensions between autonomous organising and state institutions, between insurgent politics and commoning, and between holistic and scientific methods.
 
+
+[^2]: Caffentzis, G. and Federici, S., 2014. 'Commons against and beyond capitalism'. Community Development Journal, 49(suppl_1), pp.i92-i105.
+
+[^3]: ![](bib:55afa118-a177-40bc-9d93-4968e9b00300)
+
+[^4]: ![](bib:edd7b776-a2cd-4801-b5e3-0c427ced2c25)
+
+[^5]: Davies, W., 2016. 'The new neoliberalism'. New Left Review (101), 121--134
+
+[^6]: ![](bib:62710c35-a605-4a3c-ac04-64cd74d1b1ac)
+
+[^7]: Fisher, B. and J. C. Tronto, 1990. 'Toward a feminist theory of care', in Circles of Care: Work and identity in women's lives, eds. Emily K. Abel and Margaret K. Nelson, Albany: SUNY Press.
+
+[^8]: Graeber, D., 2015. The utopia of rules: On technology, stupidity, and the secret joys of bureaucracy_. Melville House.
+
+[^9]: Graziano, V. 2018. 'Pirate Care - How do we imagine the health care for the future we want?', ![](bib:7fd5acf6-c53d-42b8-9a60-31d94cd1b11b)
+
+[^10]: Gutiérrez Aguilar R., Linsalata L. and M.L.N. Trujillo, 2016. 'Producing the common and reproducing life: Keys towards rethinking the Political.' in Social Sciences for an Other Politics, ed. A. Dinerstein, Palgrave Macmillan.
+
+[^11]: Hall, G., 2016. Pirate philosophy: for a digital posthumanities. MIT Press.
+
+[^12]: Harney, S. and Moten, F., 2013. The undercommons: Fugitive planning and black study, Minor Compositions.
+
+[^13]: Mitropoulos, A., 2012. Contract & contagion: From biopolitics to oikonomia. Minor Compositions.
+
+[^14]: Mol, A., Moser, I. and Pols, J. eds., 2015. Care in practice: On tinkering in clinics, homes and farms. transcript Verlag.
+
+[^15]: ![](bib:c529d3a9-1ab5-406b-93d8-a5e791a1c8cd)
+
+
 -----
 
 
 # A Pirate Care Syllabus: why, how and with whom?
 
-A point of entry into the practices of pirate care for us is pedagogy - how these practices can be taught and studied with fellow pirate care practitioners, activist communities and beyond. To that end, we have started building a collaborative online syllabus on Pirate Care, covering each practice through a dedicated topic and a number of sessions that are concrete proposals for learning. Our vision that such a syllabus is technologically architected so that it can be easily adapted to different contexts and activated by interested groups elsewhere to collectively learn from it.
+A point of entry into the practices of pirate care for us is pedagogy - how these practices can be taught and studied with fellow pirate care practitioners, activist communities and beyond. To that end, we have started building a collaborative online syllabus on Pirate Care, covering each practice through a dedicated topic and a number of sessions that are concrete proposals for learning. Our vision that such a syllabus is technologically architected so that it can be easily adapted to different contexts and activated by interested groups elsewhere to collectively learn from it. 
 
-This syllabus was inspired by the recent phenomenon of crowdsourced online syllabi generated within social justice movements (see below). In November 2019 we held a writing retreat to create the first version of a pirate care syllabus. We were hosted by the cultural centre [Drugo More](http://drugo-more.hr/en/) and supported via the Rijeka European Capital of Culture 2020 programme. The contributors were: Laura Benítez Valero, Emina Bužinkić, Rasmus Fleischer, Maddalena Fragnito, Valeria Graziano, Mary Maggic, Iva Marčetić, Marcell Mars, Tomislav Medak, Memory of the World, Power Makes Us Sick (PMS), Zoe Romano, Ivory Tuesday, Ana Vilenica.
+This syllabus was inspired by the recent phenomenon of crowdsourced online syllabi generated within social justice movements (see below). In November 2019 we held a writing retreat to create the first version of a pirate care syllabus. We were hosted by the cultural centre [Drugo More](http://drugo-more.hr/en/) and supported via the Rijeka European Capital of Culture 2020 programme. The contributors were: Laura Benítez Valero, Emina Bužinkić, Rasmus Fleischer, Maddalena Fragnito, Valeria Graziano, Mary Maggic, Iva Marčetić, Marcell Mars, Tomislav Medak, Memory of the World, Power Makes Us Sick (PMS), Zoe Romano, Ivory Tuesday, Ana Vilenica. 
 
 The different topics covered were written by practitioners active across a number of pressing issues, including: feminist approaches to reproductive healthcare; autonomous mental health support; trans health and well-being; free access to knowledge; housing struggles; collective childcare; the right to free mobility; migrant solidarity; community safety and anti-racist organising.
 
-We worked through group discussions; sharing of texts, materials and zines; presentations and workshops (including one on how to use gitlab and one on making baskets with pine needles); informal conversations, cooking for each other and walking together; playing karaoke and telepathy games; mutual feedback and friendship that carried on in the following months. Two more topics were developed with the support of Kunsthalle Wien (March-April 2020) with Chris Grodotzki & Morana Miljanović from Sea-Watch and with Cassie Thornton, addressing migrant rescue in the Mediterranean and a model for autonomously organizing peer-to-peer care at scale.
+We worked through group discussions; sharing of texts, materials and zines; presentations and workshops (including one on how to use gitlab and one on making baskets with pine needles); informal conversations, cooking for each other and walking together; playing karaoke and telepathy games; mutual feedback and friendship that carried on in the following months. New sessions are to be developed in Vienna with new collaborators during a residency at *studio das weisse haus* in cooperation with Kunsthalle Wien (March-April 2020). 
 
 Work on syllabus is the extension of the [Memory of the World](https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/#/books/) shadow library and it espouses a certain technopolitics. We have developed an online publishing framework allowing collaborative writing, remixing and maintaining of the syllabus. We want the syllabus to be ready for easy preservation and come integrated with a well-maintained and catalogued collection of learning materials. To achieve this, our syllabus is built from plaintext documents that are written in a very simple and human-readable Markdown markup language, rendered into a static HTML website that doesn’t require a resource-intensive and easily breakable database system, and which keeps its files on a git version control system that allows collaborative writing and easy forking to create new versions. Such a syllabus can be then equally hosted on an internet server and used/shared offline from a USB stick.
 
-In summer 2020, the Pirate Care Syllabus was supposed to be activated through a summer camp on the island of Cres, as part of [Rijeka European Capital of Culture 2020](https://rijeka2020.eu) programme [Dopolavoro](https://rijeka2020.eu/en/program/dopolavoro/)(HR). This was cancelled due to the Covid-19 pandemic.
+In summer 2020, the Pirate Care Syllabus will be activated through an exhibition (June) and a summer camp (September) as part of [Rijeka European Capital of Culture 2020](https://rijeka2020.eu) programme [Dopolavoro](https://rijeka2020.eu/en/program/dopolavoro/)(HR).
 
 -----
 # A Collective Statement
 
 These below are some shared statements that emerged from the collective process building the first version of the syllabus:
 
-* Ours is inevitably as a partial group, who came together in a supportive context, but who also faced a limited amount of time in co-presence. The contributors did not all know each other in advance and we do not form a stable community in the everyday. Our composition reflects the limits of the resources, relationships and awareness available to the organisers and the participants, as well as their commitments and stakes. We do not represent others nor share a unified political position; however we worked in such a way as to allow differences to remain generative and inform different topics and sessions in the syllabus, which were therefore not ‘unified’ in style.
-
-* Many issues are under-represented here. We started to write from our practices and from our situated knowledges and experiences. We hope that the syllabus might become a useful tool for others who might want to add new topics and perspectives to it in the future.
-
+* Ours is inevitably as a partial group, who came together in a supportive context, but who also faced a limited amount of time in co-presence. The contributors did not all know each other in advance and we do not form a stable community in the everyday. Our composition reflects the limits of the resources, relationships and awareness available to the organisers and the participants, as well as their commitments and stakes. We do not represent others nor share a unified political position; however we worked in such a way as to allow differences to remain generative and inform different topics and sessions in the syllabus, which were therefore not ‘unified’ in style.  
+     
+* Many issues are under-represented here. We started to write from our practices and from our situated knowledges and experiences. We hope that the syllabus might become a useful tool for others who might want to add new topics and perspectives to it in the future.    
+     
 * Language is a technology that needs to be decolonized. While we strive to write for accessibility, we are conscious of our educational and professional biases in using and modulating the way we use language. We are aware our common language was English and that this leaves out a number of other possibilities of communication. Whenever we felt this was important, we have included some references in other languages in the first version of the syllabus.
-
-* Writing for an online imagined reader is a challenging task because it does not allow to speak to specific persons and collectives immersed in actual circumstances. The question ‘who are we speaking with’ in the case of an online syllabus becomes very tricky to answer. Our approach has been to write as if to friends with whom we share key ethical and political values, but who might not be familiar yet with the specific crafts of care we practice or with the background data and knowledge that inform our actions.
-
-* The specificity and partiality of our composition is also reflected on the resources we reference. Most texts are from Western academe or activist spaces. We are committed to address this and learn from others in an ongoing efforts to diversify our sources and imaginaries.
-
-* We encourage everyone to freely use this syllabus to learn and organise processes of learning and to freely adapt, rewrite and expand it to reflect their own experience and serve their own pedagogies. We do not believe that the current licence system supports the world we want to live in, and that is a world in which knowledge is not privatized. However, the current system automatically copyrights our work, so we state here that all the original writing contained in this syllabus is under [CC0 1.0 Universal, Public Domain Dedication, No Copyright](https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/). This means that: “The person who associated a work with this deed has dedicated the work to the public domain by waiving all of his or her rights to the work worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law. You can copy, modify, distribute and perform the work, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.”
-
+     
+* Writing for an online imagined reader is a challenging task because it does not allow to speak to specific persons and collectives immersed in actual circumstances. The question ‘who are we speaking with’ in the case of an online syllabus becomes very tricky to answer. Our approach has been to write as if to friends with whom we share key ethical and political values, but who might not be familiar yet with the specific crafts of care we practice or with the background data and knowledge that inform our actions.    
+     
+* The specificity and partiality of our composition is also reflected on the resources we reference. Most texts are from Western academe or activist spaces. We are committed to address this and learn from others in an ongoing efforts to diversify our sources and imaginaries.   
+     
+* We encourage everyone to freely use this syllabus to learn and organise processes of learning and to freely adapt, rewrite and expand it to reflect their own experience and serve their own pedagogies. We do not believe that the current licence system supports the world we want to live in, and that is a world in which knowledge is not privatized. However, the current system automatically copyrights our work, so we state here that all the original writing contained in this syllabus is under CC0 1.0 Universal (CC0 1.0), Public Domain Dedication, No Copyright. This means that: “The person who associated a work with this deed has dedicated the work to the public domain by waiving all of his or her rights to the work worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law. You can copy, modify, distribute and perform the work, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.” https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/
+ 
 * We encourage you to get in touch, to learn together, to organise, assist and act collectively. Lets mirror each other in solidarity.
+    
 
 -----
 
 # On Making a Syllabus: technopolitical pedagogies
 
-On the technological and technopolitical side, developing tools and workflows for syllabus is an extension of our work on the [Memory of the World](https://memoryoftheworld.org/) shadow library. As amateur librarians we want to provide a universal public access to a meticulously maintained catalogue of digital texts, making available those texts that are behind paywalls or are not digitised yet. (It is worth noting that shadow libraries themselves are a pirate care practice: in contravention of the copyright regulation, they are assisting readers across a highly unequal world of education and research.) With the tools and workflows for the syllabus we want to offer social movements a technological framework and pedagogical process that helps them transform their shared analysis of present confrontations and reflections on past mobilisations into a learning material that can be used to help others learn from their knowledge.
+On the technological and technopolitical side, developing tools and workflows for syllabus is an extension of our work on the [Memory of the World](https://memoryoftheworld.org/) shadow library. As amateur librarians we want to provide a universal public access to a meticulously maintained catalogue of digital texts, making available those texts that are behind paywalls or are not digitised yet. (It is worth noting that shadow libraries themselves are a pirate care practice: in contravention of the copyright regulation, they are assisting readers across a highly unequal world of education and research.) With the tools and workflows for the syllabus we want to offer social movements a technological framework and pedagogical process that helps them transform their shared analysis of present confrontations and reflections on past mobilisations into a learning material that can be used to help others learn from their knowledge. 
 
 The technological framework that we are developing should allow other similar movements to avail themselves of these syllabi freely in their own learning processes. But also to adapt them to their own situation and the groups they work with. We want that the syllabi can be easily preserved, that they include digitised documents relevant to the actions of these social movements, and that they come integrated with well-maintained and catalogued collections of reading materials. That means that we don’t want that they go defunct once the dependencies for that Wordpress installation get broken, that the links to resources lead to file-not-found pages or that adapting them requires a painstaking copy&paste process.
 
-To address these concerns, we have made certain technological choices. A syllabus in our framework is built from plaintext documents that are written in a very simple and human-readable [Markdown markup language](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Markdown), rendered into [a static HTML website](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Static_site_generator) that doesn’t require a resource-intensive and easily breakable database system, and which keeps its files on a [git version control system](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Version_control) that allows collaborative writing and easy forking to create new versions out of the existing syllabi. This makes it easy for a housing struggles initiative in Berlin to fork a syllabus which we have initially developed with a housing struggles initiative in London and adapt it to their own context and needs. Such a syllabus can be then equally hosted on an internet server and used/shared offline from a USB stick, while still preserving the internal links between the documents and the links to the texts in the accompanying searchable resource collection.
+To address these concerns, we have made certain technological choices. A syllabus in our framework is built from plaintext documents that are written in a very simple and human-readable [Markdown markup language](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Markdown), rendered into [a static HTML](https://www.getlektor.com/docs/what/) website that doesn’t require a resource-intensive and easily breakable database system, and which keeps its files on a [git version control system](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Version_control) that allows collaborative writing and easy forking to create new versions out of the existing syllabi. This makes it easy for a housing struggles initiative in Berlin to fork a syllabus which we have initially developed with a housing struggles initiative in London and adapt it to their own context and needs. Such a syllabus can be then equally hosted on an internet server and used/shared offline from a USB stick, while still preserving the internal links between the documents and the links to the texts in the accompanying searchable resource collection.
 
-The Pirate Care Syllabus is the first syllabus that we’ll bring to a completion. It has provided us both with an opportunity to work with the practitioners to document a range of pirate care practices and with a process to develop the technological framework.
+The Pirate Care Syllabus is the first syllabus that we’ll bring to a completion. It has provided us both with an opportunity to work with the practitioners to document a range of pirate care practices and with a process to develop the technological framework. 
 
 # Online Syllabi & Social Justice Movements
 
-In putting together a collective pirate care syllabus, open to new contributions and remixes, we were inspired, alongside many other popular education initiatives, by the recent phenomenon of hashtag syllabi (or, simply, #syllabi) connected with social justice movements, many of which are U.S. based and emerging from anti-racist struggles led by Black American and feminist activists.
+In putting together a collective pirate care syllabus, open to new contributions and remixes, we were inspired, alongside many other popular education initiatives, by the recent phenomenon of hashtag syllabi (or, simply, #syllabi) connected with social justice movements, many of which are U.S. based and emerging from anti-racist struggles led by Black American and feminist activists.  
 
-For an introduction to the phenomenon online syllabi, see the text: ‘Learning from the #Syllabus, Graziano, V., Mars, M. and Medak, T., in ![](bib:2b1cbb53-63fa-4cde-bec9-100bb4e961ab).
+For an introduction to the phenomenon online syllabi, see the text: ‘Learning from the #Syllabus, Graziano, V., Mars, M. and Medak, T., in [State Machines: Reflections and Actions at the Edge of Digital Citizenship, Finance, and Art.](http://www.statemachines.eu/books/state-machines-reflections-and-actions-at-the-edge-of-digital-citizenship-finance-and-art/) Institute of Network Cultures, 2019.
 
 Here is a few examples of such crowdsourced online syllabi:
 
 **#FERGUSONSYLLABUS**
 
 In August 2014, Michael Brown, an 18 year old boy living in Ferguson, Missouri, was shot to death by police officer Darren Wilson. Soon after this episode, as the civil protests denouncing police brutality and institutional racism begun to mount across the US, Dr. Marcia Chatelain, Associate Professor of History and African American Studies at Georgetown University, launched an online call urging other academics and teachers 'to devote the first day of class to hold a conversation about Ferguson' and 'to recommend texts, collaborate on conversation starters, and inspire dialogue about some aspect of the Ferguson crisis’ (Chatelain, 2014). Chatelain did so using the hashtag #FergusonSyllabus.
-
-- ![](bib:bb7b6e17-bde4-49f2-8360-c777fad2f3b9)
-- ![](bib:df094ed7-29c7-4763-a7bd-22a2436ae04a)
+- Chatelain, M. (2014). [“Teaching the #FergusonSyllabus.”](https://www.dissentmagazine.org/blog/teaching-ferguson-syllabus) Dissent Magazine, November 28. 
+- Chatelain, M. (2014b). [“How to Teach Kids About What’s Happening in Ferguson.”]( https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2014/08/how-to-teach-kids-about-whats-happening-in-ferguson/379049/) The Atlantic, August 25.
 
 ---
 
 **GAMING AND FEMINISM SYLLABUS**
 
 In August 2014, using the hashtag #gamergate to coordinate, groups of users on 4Chan, 8Chan, Twitter and Reddit instigated a misogynistic harassment campaign against game developers Zoë Quinn and Brianna Wu, media critic Anita Sarkeesian, as well as a number of other female and feminist game producers, journalists and critics. In the following weeks, The New Inquiry editors and contributors compiled a reading list and issued a call for suggestions.
-
-- The New Inquiry,2014![TNI Syllabus: Gaming and Feminism’](bib:01bc3e8c-b60e-4a58-b9d0-ed1a89212f37).
+- [Syllabus: Gaming and Feminism](https://thenewinquiry.com/tni-syllabus-gaming-and-feminism/) (The New Inquiry Editorial Collective, 2014).
 
 ---
 
 
 **TRUMP SYLLABI**
 
-In June 2015, Donald Trump announced his candidacy to become President of the United States. In the weeks after he became the presumptive Republican nominee, The Chronicle of Higher Education introduced the syllabus ‘Trump 101’ The Chronicle of Higher Education, 2016). Historians N.D.B Connolly and Keisha N. Blain found ‘Trump 101’ inadequate, 'a mock college syllabus… suffer[ing] from a number of egregious omissions and inaccuracies', failing to include 'contributions of scholars of color and address the critical subjects of Trump's racism, sexism, and xenophobia’. They assembled the ‘Trump Syllabus 2.0’.
-
-- ![](bib:cd5f24a9-52c9-46c9-97fe-4c2cd7ed7514)
-- ![](bib:5a4ac018-2c76-4bea-9c97-71a1fdd47257)
-> This course, assembled by historians N. D. B. Connolly and Keisha N. Blain, includes suggested readings and other resources from more than one hundred scholars in a variety of disciplines. The course explores Donald Trump’s rise as a product of the American lineage of racism, sexism, nativism, and imperialism.
-- ![](bib:c80e9f04-dabc-4964-afbb-6f9216d67806)
+In June 2015, Donald Trump announced his candidacy to become President of the United States. In the weeks after he became the presumptive Republican nominee, The Chronicle of Higher Education introduced the syllabus ‘Trump 101’ The Chronicle of Higher Education, 2016). Historians N.D.B Connolly and Keisha N. Blain found ‘Trump 101’ inadequate, 'a mock college syllabus… suffer[ing] from a number of egregious omissions and inaccuracies', failing to include 'contributions of scholars of color and address the critical subjects of Trump's racism, sexism, and xenophobia’. They assembled the ‘Trump Syllabus 2.0’. 
+- [Trump 101](https://www.chronicle.com/article/Trump-Syllabus/236824)
+by The Chronicle of Higher Education
+- [Trump Syllabus 2.0](https://www.publicbooks.org/trump-syllabus-2-0/)
+This course, assembled by historians N. D. B. Connolly and Keisha N. Blain, includes suggested readings and other resources from more than one hundred scholars in a variety of disciplines. The course explores Donald Trump’s rise as a product of the American lineage of racism, sexism, nativism, and imperialism. 
+- [A collection of suggested assignments to accompany Trump Syllabus 2.0](https://www.aaihs.org/resources/trump-2-0-assignments/) from the website of the African American Intellectual History Society. 
 
 ---
 
 **RAPE CULTURE SYLLABUS**
-Soon after, in 2016, in response to a video in which Trump engaged in "an extremely lewd conversation about women" with TV host Billy Bush, Laura Ciolkowski put together a ![Rape Culture Syllabus](bib:336bb7b8-9c5e-461f-9545-0dc14d03bdbb).
+Soon after, in 2016, in response to a video in which Trump engaged in ‘an extremely lewd conversation about women’ with TV host Billy Bush, Laura Ciolkowski put together a [‘Rape Culture Syllabus’](https://www.publicbooks.org/rape-culture-syllabus/).
 
 ---
 
 **#BLKWOMENSYLLABUS and #SAYHERNAMESYLLABUS**
 
 August 2015 also saw the trending of #BlkWomenSyllabus and #SayHerNameSyllabus on Twitter. The hashtag #BlkWomenSyllabus began when the historian Daina Ramey Berry, PhD tweeted on August 11 "given #CharnesiaCorley time 4 #blkwomensyllabus...". Charnesia Corley, a 21-year-old black female Texas resident, was pulled over at a Texaco gas station on June 21, 2015, accused of running a stop sign. After the deputy allegedly smelled marijuana coming from Corley's car, the woman was forced to remove her clothing, bend over and later was held face down to the ground as police officers probed her vagina while forcing her legs open. #SayHerName is an activist movement that strives to end brutality and anti-Black violence of Black women and girls by the police. The #SayHerName movement is designed to acknowledge the ways in which police brutality disproportionally affect Black women, including Black girls, queer Black women and trans Black women. #SayHerName, coined as a call to action in February 2015 by the Africa American Policy Forum, was created alongside #BlackLivesMatter, which was created as a response to the acquittal of George Zimmerman in the fatal shooting of Black teen, Trayvon Martin. #SayHerName gained attention following the death of Sandra Bland, a Black woman found dead in custody of police, in July 2015.
-
-- An article about the #blackwomensyllabus: ![](bib:4204aca0-32c2-4b5b-aa13-53b4b6e31340)
+- [An article](https://www.essence.com/news/thank-blkwomensyllabus-ultimate-reading-list-empower-black-women/) about the #blackwomensyllabus.
 
 ---
 
 **#YOURBALTIMORESYLLABUS**
 
-On April 12, 2015, Baltimore Police Department officers arrested Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old African American resident of Baltimore, Maryland, who died in police custody on April 19, 2015, a week after his arrest. Protests were organized after Gray's death became public knowledge, amid the police department's continuing inability to adequately or consistently explain the events following the arrest and the injuries.
-
-- ![#YourBaltimoreSyllabus](bib:4e4765be-4f0f-4621-8ef7-d9ddf2453125)
+On April 12, 2015, Baltimore Police Department officers arrested Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old African American resident of Baltimore, Maryland, who died in police custody on April 19, 2015, a week after his arrest. Protests were organized after Gray's death became public knowledge, amid the police department's continuing inability to adequately or consistently explain the events following the arrest and the injuries. 
+- [#YourBaltimoreSyllabus](https://docs.google.com/document/d/1B_oyOyu_tAwOVq5MY1oJL3orN6ps04O82JxWxnkGpho/preview)
 
 ---
 
-**#STANDINGROCKSYLLABUS**
+**#STANDINGROCKSYLLABUS** 
 
 In April 2016, members of the Standing Rock Sioux tribe established the Sacred Stone Camp and started the protest against The Dakota Access Pipeline, whose construction threatened the only water supply at the Standing Rock Reservation. The protest at the pipeline site became the largest gathering of native Americans over the past 100 years and earned significant international support for their ReZpect our Water campaign. As the struggle between protestors and armed forces unfolded, a group of indigenous scholars, activists and settler / PoC supporters, gathered under the name The NYC Stands for Standing Rock Committee, put together the #StandingRockSyllabus (NYC Stands for Standing Rock Committee, 2016).
-
 - [Standing Rock Syllabus](https://nycstandswithstandingrock.wordpress.com/standingrocksyllabus/.) by NYC Stands with Standing Rock Collective. 2016.
-- [PDF version](bib:ad6d0a42-c623-44b4-8a44-0ab909cdfe50) of the #StandingRockSyllabus including all readings (80MB).
+- [PDF version of the #StandingRockSyllabus including all readings](https://nycstandswithstandingrock.files.wordpress.com/2016/10/standingrocksyllabus7.pdf) (80MB).
 
 ---
 
 **ALL MONUMNETS MUST FALL SYLLABUS**
 
 This is a crowd-sourced assemblage of materials relating to Confederate and other racist monuments to white supremacy; the history and theory of these monuments and monuments in general; and monument struggles worldwide.
-
-- ![](bib:22632892-2417-4fd5-8c23-52cea46a4720)
+- [All Monuments Must Fall Syllabus](https://monumentsmustfall.wordpress.com/)
 
 ---
 
 **#CHARLESTONSYLLABUS**
 
 #CharlestonSyllabus (Charleston Syllabus), is a Twitter movement and crowdsourced syllabus using the hashtag #CharlestonSyllabus to compile a list of reading recommendations relating to the history of racial violence in the United States. It was created in response to the race-motivated violence in Charleston, South Carolina on the evening of June 17, 2015, when Dylann Roof opened fire during a Bible study session at Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church, killing 9 people. The #CharlestonSyllabus campaign was the brainchild of Chad Williams, Associate Professor of African and Afro-American Studies at Brandeis University.
-
-- ![](bib:f32ac522-9bd1-4a98-b6d4-75d2e8f95daf)
-- A ![list of materials](bib:0e8e4c2b-da5f-46b6-9300-431e0fc7be1b) included in the syllabus was compiled by AAIHS (African American Intellectual History Society) blogger Keisha N. Blain, with the assistance of Melissa Morrone, Ryan P. Randall and Cecily Walker.
+- [The Charleston Syllabus book](https://ugapress.org/book/9780820349572/charleston-syllabus/)
+- A [list of materials](https://www.aaihs.org/resources/charlestonsyllabus/) included in the syllabus was compiled and organized by AAIHS (African American Intellectual History Society) blogger Keisha N. Blain, with the assistance of Melissa Morrone, Ryan P. Randall and Cecily Walker:
 
 ---
 
 **#COLINKAEPERNICKSYLLABUS**
 
-On September 4, Rebecca Martinez tweeted Louis Moore and David J. Leonard, suggesting the creation of Colin Kaepernick Syllabus. Soon, we, along with  Bijan C. Bayne, Sarah J. Jackson, and many others began the work of creating a syllabus to hopefully elevate and empower the conversations that Colin Kaepernick started when he decided to sit down in protest during an August 26, 2016 preseason game.
-
-- ![#ColinKaepernickSyllabus](bib:775a3bd5-b380-402c-a49f-4ee7b78f2ff2)
+On September 4, Rebecca Martinez tweeted Louis Moore and David J. Leonard, suggesting the creation of Colin Kaepernick Syllabus. Soon, we, along with  Bijan C. Bayne, Sarah J. Jackson, and many others began the work of creating a syllabus to hopefully elevate and empower the conversations that Colin Kaepernick started when he decided to sit down in protest during an August 26, 2016 preseason game. 
+- [#ColinKaepernickSyllabus](https://www.newblackmaninexile.net/2016/09/colinkaepernicksyllabus.html) 
 
 ---
 
 **#IMMIGRATIONSYLLABUS**
 
-Essential topics, readings, and multimedia that provide historical context to current debates over immigration reform, integration, and citizenship. Created by immigration historians affiliated with the Immigration History Research Center and the Immigration and Ethnic History Society, January 26, 2017. The syllabus follows a chronological overview of U.S. immigration history, but it also includes thematic weeks that cover salient issues in political discourse today such as xenophobia, deportation policy, and border policing.
-
-- ![#ImmigrationSyllabus](bib:5b10d758-eaf7-40f1-8e73-64deef30226a)
+Essential topics, readings, and multimedia that provide historical context to current debates
+over immigration reform, integration, and citizenship. Created by immigration historians affiliated with the Immigration History Research Center and the Immigration and Ethnic History Society, January 26, 2017. The syllabus follows a chronological overview of U.S. immigration history, but it also includes thematic weeks that cover salient issues in political discourse today such as xenophobia, deportation policy, and border policing.
+- [#ImmigrationSyllabus](https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B1eIDteoJgugVGRkcTRyb3RnRnc/edit)
 
 ---
 
 **PUERTO RICO SYLLABUS (#PRSYLLABUS)**
 
-This syllabus provides a list of resources for teaching and learning about the current economic crisis in Puerto Rico. Our goal is to contribute to the ongoing public dialogue and rising social activism regarding the debt crisis by providing historical and sociological tools with which to assess its roots and its repercussions.
-
+This syllabus provides a list of resources for teaching and learning about the current economic crisis in Puerto Rico. Our goal is to contribute to the ongoing public dialogue and rising social activism regarding the debt crisis by providing historical and sociological tools with which to assess its roots and its repercussions.  
 - [Puerto Rico Syllabus (#PRSyllabus)](https://puertoricosyllabus.com/)
 
 ---
 
 **BLACK LIVES MATTERS SYLLABUS**
-
-- [#BLMSyllabus](https://web.archive.org/web/20181225134628/http://www.blacklivesmattersyllabus.com/)
+- [#BLMSyllabus](http://www.blacklivesmattersyllabus.com/)
 
 ---
 
 **#BLACKISLAMSYLLABUS**
-- ![#BlackIslamSyllabus](bib:2d745376-a256-4345-830a-5723ca802478)
+- [#BlackIslamSyllabus](https://docs.google.com/document/d/1avhgPrW30AFjegzV9X5aPqkZUA3uGd0-BZr9_zhArtQ/edit#)
 
 ---
 
 **SYLLABUS FOR WHITE PEOPLE TO EDUCATE THEMSELVES**
-- ![Syllabus for White People to Educate Themselves](bib:1ec45058-7a00-4f0f-84e4-65ad46a32718), by Dismantling Racism Works (dRworks). Created in 2017 in response to the election of Donald Trump.
+- [Syllabus for White People to Educate Themselves](http://www.dismantlingracism.org/uploads/4/3/5/7/43579015/syllabus_for_white_people.pdf), By Dismantling Racism Works (dRworks). Created in response to the election of Donald Trump, 2017.
+
+---
+
+**SYLLABUS: WOMEN AND GENDER NON-CONFORMING PEOPLE WRITING ABOUT TECH**
+- [Syllabus: Women and Gender Non-conforming People Writing about Tech](https://docs.google.com/document/d/1Qx8JDqfuXoHwk41PZYWrZu3mmCsV05Fe09AtJ9ozw/edit)
 
 ---
 
 **#WAKANDASYLLABUS**
-- ![](bib:c6f4f211-ab11-4524-9b97-ba596626a280)
+- [Introduction to the #WakandaSyllabus](https://www.aaihs.org/introduction-to-the-wakanda-syllabus/), by Dr. Walter Greason
 
 ---
 
 **WHAT TO DO INSTEAD OF CALLING THE POLICE. A GUIDE, A SYLLABUS, A CONVERSATION, A PROCESS**
-- [What To Do Instead of Calling the Police. A Guide, A Syllabus, A Conversation, A Process](https://web.archive.org/web/20200531121739/https://www.aaronxrose.com/blog/alternatives-to-police) by Aaron Rose.
+- [What To Do Instead of Calling the Police. A Guide, A Syllabus, A Conversation, A Process](https://www.aaronxrose.com/blog/alternatives-to-police), By Aaron Rose
 
 
 -----
 # Bibliographic Sources
 
-To see a comprehensive list of reading resources introducing pirate care go to the Syllabus [library](/library/BROWSE_LIBRARY.html#/search/tags/piratecareintroduction)...
-
-To discover more, use:
-
-* [Library Genesis](https://libgen.li/)
+* [Library Genesis](https://gen.lib.rus.ec/)
+* [Aaaaarg.fail](https://aaaaarg.fail/)
 * [Memory of the World](https://library.memoryoftheworld.org/)
 * [Monoskop](https://monoskop.org/)
 * [Science Hub](http://sci-hub.tw/)
 * [WorldCat](https://www.worldcat.org/)
 * [Anarchist Libraries](https://www.anarchistlibraries.net/libraries)
-
-References:
-
-[^2]: ![](bib:7b2a690f-672a-4002-af03-2c2630a193c6)
-
-[^3]: ![](bib:55afa118-a177-40bc-9d93-4968e9b00300)
-
-[^4]: ![](bib:edd7b776-a2cd-4801-b5e3-0c427ced2c25)
-
-[^5]: ![](bib:ea3d47d6-6eee-4ae0-a2ef-8803e47d3c6a)
-
-[^6]: ![](bib:62710c35-a605-4a3c-ac04-64cd74d1b1ac)
-
-[^7]: Fisher, B. and J. C. Tronto, 1990. 'Toward a feminist theory of care', in ![](bib:39fef702-aeed-4cf4-93e8-27a8895e6675)
-
-[^8]: ![](bib:3f07df42-78d8-4472-9aae-1ebc39290c57)
-
-[^9]: Graziano, V. 2018. ['Pirate Care - How do we imagine the health care for the future we want?'](https://medium.com/dsi4eu/pirate-care-how-do-we-imagine-the-health-care-for-the-future-we-want-fa7f71a7a21); ![](bib:7fd5acf6-c53d-42b8-9a60-31d94cd1b11b)
-
-[^10]: Gutiérrez Aguilar R., Linsalata L. and M.L.N. Trujillo, 2016. 'Producing the common and reproducing life: Keys towards rethinking the Political.' in ![](bib:10c3d44e-b747-4b0a-9119-48d8fd762988)
-
-[^11]: ![](bib:2c8f35de-ad1a-4b16-84c5-64cc69b4fa62)
-
-[^12]: ![](bib:a1a2f913-e376-451f-8291-29ff68560870)
-
-[^13]: ![](bib:b8b2527b-22d1-4aac-9612-cd870932a136)
-
-[^14]: ![](bib:3339e117-b422-4722-95af-2df938d137af)
-
-[^15]: ![](bib:c529d3a9-1ab5-406b-93d8-a5e791a1c8cd)

content/topic/politicisingpiracy.md

@@ -5,14 +5,14 @@ has_sessions: ["photocopying.md", "downloadupload.md", "blackboxing.md"]
 
 # Politicising piracy - making an unconditional demand
 
-Politicising Piracy topic has a double goal: to understand cultural piracy as a form of politics and to look at various practices of piracy from their specific socio-economic context of emergence, their technological underpinnings and their specific forms of political intervention.
+Politicising Piracy topic has a double goal: to understand cultural piracy as a form of politics and to look at various practices of piracy from their specific socio-economic context of emergence, their technological underpinnings and their specific forms of political intervention. 
 
 
-## Piracy in technological context
+## Piracy in technological context 
 
 There is a tendency to conceive of cultural and knowledge piracy as a phenomenon of recent date, largely in connection with the pirating of popular cultural or scholarly works, where such copying is done by means of an industrial-grade, home or personal copying device. However, the material practice of copying is of older date and is co-originary with the techniques and technologies of writing. A cultural expression is created from collective meaning-making, and thus writing and recording always has a pre-requisite reproduction and dissemination.
 
-Before the introduction of the printing press, the manuscripts were hand-copied, copying was laborious, and dissemination limited to precious few copies. With the introduction of movable type print, the books could be mass-produced, and copying and dissemination became easier. However, it was reserved for the few who had access to a printing press. Tape and optical media democratised that ability to copy, but dissemination remained difficult and costly. In the age of digital networks, the act of copying exploded as every action – downloading and opening a file, visiting a web page, editing a text – now entails copying from one part of a computer environment to another. And dissemination to a global network is always only a click away. The gist of this technological change is that before, very few actors had access to a copying device, whereas nowadays, copying devices are ubiquitous and networked, so the boundaries between writing, reading, copying, and sharing are more permeable.
+Before the introduction of the printing press, the manuscripts were hand-copied, copying was laborious, and dissemination limited to precious few copies. With the introduction of movable type print, the books could be mass-produced, and copying and dissemination became easier. However, it was reserved for the few who had access to a printing press. Tape and optical media democratised that ability to copy, but dissemination remained difficult and costly. In the age of digital networks, the act of copying exploded as every action – downloading and opening a file, visiting a web page, editing a text – now entails copying from one part of a computer environment to another. And dissemination to a global network is always only a click away. The gist of this technological change is that before, very few actors had access to a copying device, whereas nowadays, copying devices are ubiquitous and networked, so the boundaries between writing, reading, copying, and sharing are more permeable. 
 
 ## Piracy in legal context
 
@@ -22,7 +22,7 @@ In a telling example, in the 1984 Betamax case, the Universal Studios and the Wa
 
 ## Piracy in economic context
 
-More fundamentally still, piracy is a consequence of the social regulation of access to culture that is primarily rooted in the commodity-based system of cultural and knowledge production. The central instrument in that regulation over the last two centuries is the intellectual property. Copyright has a fundamentally economic function – to unambiguously establish individualised property in the products of creative labour. Once a legal title is unambiguously assigned, there is a person holding the property right with whose consent the contracting, commodification, and marketing of the work can proceed (Bently 1994). By the beginning of the twentieth century, copyright expanded to a number of other forms of creativity, transcending its primarily literary and scientific ambit and becoming part of the broader set of intellectual property rights that are fundamental to the functioning and positioning of capitalist enterprise. The industrialisation and corporatisation of the production of culture and knowledge thus brought about a decisive break from the Romantic model that singularized the authorship in the person of the author. The production of cultural commodities nowadays involves a number of creative inputs from both credited (but mostly unwaged) and uncredited (but mostly waged) contributors.
+More fundamentally still, piracy is a consequence of the social regulation of access to culture that is primarily rooted in the commodity-based system of cultural and knowledge production. The central instrument in that regulation over the last two centuries is the intellectual property. Copyright has a fundamentally economic function – to unambiguously establish individualised property in the products of creative labour. Once a legal title is unambiguously assigned, there is a person holding the property right with whose consent the contracting, commodification, and marketing of the work can proceed (Bently 1994). By the beginning of the twentieth century, copyright expanded to a number of other forms of creativity, transcending its primarily literary and scientific ambit and becoming part of the broader set of intellectual property rights that are fundamental to the functioning and positioning of capitalist enterprise. The industrialisation and corporatisation of the production of culture and knowledge thus brought about a decisive break from the Romantic model that singularized the authorship in the person of the author. The production of cultural commodities nowadays involves a number of creative inputs from both credited (but mostly unwaged) and uncredited (but mostly waged) contributors. 
 
 However, copyright has facilitated the rise of rights-holding monopolies, who can neither provide a viable subsistence for the authors nor optimal access to the cultural works, as their mission is primarily defined by their business bottom line. The level of concentration in cultural and knowledge industries based on various forms of intellectual property rights is staggeringly high. The film industry is a US$136 billion industry dominated by six major studios. The recorded music industry is an almost US$20 billion industry dominated by only three major labels and four streaming platforms. The publishing industry is a US$120 billion industry where the leading ten companies earn more in revenues than the next forty largest publishing groups. Academic publishing in particular draws the state of play in stark relief. It is a US$10 billion industry dominated by five publishers and is financed up to 75 percent from library subscriptions (Larivière 2015).
 
@@ -30,17 +30,17 @@ Furthermore, the commodified cultural and knowledge production is part and parce
 
 ## Defining piracy, historically
 
-Piracy is an illicit act of copying and disseminating of works of culture and knowledge that is done in contravention of authority and/or law. When we speak today of illegal copying, we primarily mean an infringement of the legal rights of authors and publishers. There is an immediate assumption that the infringing practice of illegal copying and distribution falls under the domain of juridical sanction, that it is a matter of law. Yet if we look back at the history of copyright, the illegality of copying was a political matter long before it became a matter of law. Publisher's rights, author's rights, and mechanisms of reputation – the three elements that are fundamental to the present-day copyright system – all have their historical roots in the context of absolutism and early capitalism in the seventeenth and eighteenth century Europe. Before publishers and authors were given a temporary monopoly over the exploitation of their publications in the form of copyright, they were operating in a system where they were forced to obtain a privilege to print books from royal censors (Biagioli 2002). The transition from the privilege tied to the publisher to the privilege tied to the natural person of the author would unfold only later.
+Piracy is an illicit act of copying and disseminating of works of culture and knowledge that is done in contravention of authority and/or law. When we speak today of illegal copying, we primarily mean an infringement of the legal rights of authors and publishers. There is an immediate assumption that the infringing practice of illegal copying and distribution falls under the domain of juridical sanction, that it is a matter of law. Yet if we look back at the history of copyright, the illegality of copying was a political matter long before it became a matter of law. Publisher's rights, author's rights, and mechanisms of reputation – the three elements that are fundamental to the present-day copyright system – all have their historical roots in the context of absolutism and early capitalism in the seventeenth and eighteenth century Europe. Before publishers and authors were given a temporary monopoly over the exploitation of their publications in the form of copyright, they were operating in a system where they were forced to obtain a privilege to print books from royal censors (Biagioli 2002). The transition from the privilege tied to the publisher to the privilege tied to the natural person of the author would unfold only later. 
 
 In the United Kingdom this transition occurred as the guild of printers, Stationers' Company, failed to secure the extension of its printing monopoly and thus, in order to continue with its business, decided to advocate the introduction of the copyright for the authors instead. This resulted in the passing of the Copyright Act of 1709 (Rose 2010), also known as the Statute of Anne. The censoring authority and enterprising publishers now proceeded in lockstep to isolate the author as the central figure in the regulation of literary and scientific production. Not only did the author receive exclusive rights to the work, but the author was also made the identifiable subject of scrutiny, censorship and political sanction by the absolutist state. (Foucault 1980)
 
-Before the efforts to internationalise and harmonise intellectual property rights got underway with the 1883 Paris Convention on the Protection of Industrial Property and the ensuing 1886 Berne Convention for the Protection of Literary and Artistic Works, the copyright was protected only as far as the jurisdiction of the copyright-granting national authority reached. Copyrighted works and patented inventions were reproduced freely in foreign markets, contributing to the edification of people and the economic development of societies. Over the next century, and then in particular with the post-socialist economic globalisation instituted in free trade agreements, the internationalisation and harmonisation of intellectual property rights started to codify and enforce the unequal exchange between unevenly developed economies and create legal justification for enclosure of intangible commons (Midnight Notes Collective 1990). Making a cultural expression an exclusive property of someone was always a dubious proposition. It might have been justified to secure autonomy from patronage. But as an instrument to secure livelihood in the generalised market relations, for most artists it proved a pitiful substitute for wages. And even worse, as a mechanism of protection of collective rights and larger social interests in the conditions of asymmetry of economic power, it failed miserably (Shiva 2001, Perleman 2001) continuing colonial and neocolonial histories of plunder by means of other forms of property (Bhandar 2018). As a mechanism of exclusion, it granted large intellectual property holders concentrated in the Global North a capacity to concentrate economic power to the detriment of both creators and recipients across the globe.
+Before the efforts to internationalise and harmonise intellectual property rights got underway with the 1883 Paris Convention on the Protection of Industrial Property and the ensuing 1886 Berne Convention for the Protection of Literary and Artistic Works, the copyright was protected only as far as the jurisdiction of the copyright-granting national authority reached. Copyrighted works and patented inventions were reproduced freely in foreign markets, contributing to the edification of people and the economic development of societies. Over the next century, and then in particular with the post-socialist economic globalisation instituted in free trade agreements, the internationalisation and harmonisation of intellectual property rights started to codify and enforce the unequal exchange between unevenly developed economies and create legal justification for enclosure of intangible commons (Midnight Notes Collective 1990). Making a cultural expression an exclusive property of someone was always a dubious proposition. It might have been justified to secure autonomy from patronage. But as an instrument to secure livelihood in the generalised market relations, for most artists it proved a pitiful substitute for wages. And even worse, as a mechanism of protection of collective rights and larger social interests in the conditions of asymmetry of economic power, it failed miserably (Shiva 2001, Perleman 2001) continuing colonial and neocolonial histories of plunder by means of other forms of property (Bhandar 2018). As a mechanism of exclusion, it granted large intellectual property holders concentrated in the Global North a capacity to concentrate economic power to the detriment of both creators and recipients across the globe. 
 
 Against this historical background, cultural and knowledge piracy as a practice assumes a different relief. It is not merely reducible to free-riding aimed at gaining access to something that is the property of others but can be viewed as a challenge to the property-form as a form of regulation of social production of culture and knowledge. In that way, it is not different in nature, but only in kind from the different challenges to how privatisation, property, and exclusion regulate social production of food, housing, health, or education. The rise of digital networks and expansion of accessibility has only exacerbated that eminently political tension. The neoliberal rollback of the socialised access to those services and goods, and the public institutions tasked with providing that access, have precipitated that tension into a full-blown crisis of social reproduction.
 
 ## Piracy as a politics of prescription
 
-The sessions in this topic start from an understanding of piracy as a form of politics. Piracy calls for the abolition of property and commodification as regimes of regulating exclusion from the socially produced communal wealth. The implication of this demand is a radical socialisation of the system of cultural and knowledge production. Piracy is then neither appealing to a grey-zone nor asking for a conditional toleration of infringing practice, but is issuing an unconditional demand. That makes it eminently political. In this view, piracy can be understood as a form of politics of prescription (Hallward 2005) that re-articulates the terms of the debate and divides the political terrain in two - one can only be for or against the unconditional demand it makes. Such political intervention does not seek to open a "middle of the road" perspective but demands that everyone takes a side.
+The sessions in this topic start from an understanding of piracy as a form of politics. Piracy calls for the abolition of property and commodification as regimes of regulating exclusion from the socially produced communal wealth. The implication of this demand is a radical socialisation of the system of cultural and knowledge production. Piracy is then neither appealing to a grey-zone nor asking for a conditional toleration of infringing practice, but is issuing an unconditional demand. That makes it eminently political. In this view, piracy can be understood as a form of politics of prescription (Hallward 2005) that re-articulates the terms of the debate and divides the political terrain in two - one can only be for or against the unconditional demand it makes. Such political intervention does not seek to open a "middle of the road" perspective but demands that everyone takes a side. 
 
 In the face of an historic opening for a socialisation of the cultural and knowledge production, created, in this case, by the technological change, that necessity of taking sides becomes more apparent than it was before. Rather than expanding commodification, it is easy to imagine that the cultural and knowledge production become socialised in order to produce a common wealth. Yet this is also urgent in the face of Googles and Amazons of this world that are rising to aposition of new, platformed rentiers controlling the levers of cultural and knowledge production. Such situations of having to take sides are not unprecedented. For instance, the revolutionary events of the Paris Commune of 1871, its mere "working existence" (Marx 1871), a brief moment of "communal luxury" set in practice (Ross 2010), demanded that, in spite of any circumstances and reservations, one took a side. And such is our present moment too.
 
@@ -70,5 +70,4 @@ This topic includes the following sessions:
 - ![](bib:b9fdcf3f-eecd-4fc7-89ed-b751fd86f1ab)
 - ![](bib:5835dde3-decd-429f-92cc-28cd4d54bcb0)
 
-
-To see a comprehensive list of resources on Politicising piracy go to the [library](/library/BROWSE_LIBRARY.html#/search/tags/politicisingpiracy)....
+To see a comprehensive list of resources on Politicising piracy go to the [collection](/library/BROWSE_LIBRARY.html#/search/tags/politicisingpiracy)....

content/topic/psychosocialautonomy.md

@@ -3,25 +3,16 @@ title: "Psycho-Social Autonomy"
 has_sessions: ["mutualaidgroup.md", "inventoryoftools.md", "psychiatryandcontrol.md", "antipsychiatrymadpride.md", "badcare.md", "takewhatyouneed.md", "exerciseimaginingthegame.md", "thepirateshipoffools.md"]
 ---
 
+# Power Makes Us Sick (PMS)
+
 Power Makes Us Sick (PMS) is an international collective that researches and supports autonomous health from an insurrectionary, anti-authoritarian, and feminist perspective. PMS seeks to understand the ways that our mental, physical, and social health is impacted by imbalances in and abuses of power. We want to share the good news of folks coming together to overcome that while supporting our collective health and wellbeing. We understand that mobility, forced or otherwise, is an increasingly common aspect of life today. PMS is motivated to develop free tools of solidarity, resistance, and sabotage that are informed by a deep concern for planetary well-being.
 
-Our stated interest in autonomous health encompasses the mental, physical, and social aspects. Increasingly, though, we've been focused on collecting resources to support emotional health and wellbeing. There are a few practical reasons motivating this. Perhaps firstly, some of us suffer from mental health conditions that can make it difficult to function. Fighting back, bashing back, and generally creating visibility around this are actions that feel healing and so we do them.
+Our stated interest in autonomous health encompasses the mental, physical, and social aspects. Increasingly, though, we've been focused on collecting resources to support emotional health and wellbeing. There are a few practical reasons motivating this. Perhaps firstly, some of us suffer from mental health conditions that can make it difficult to function. Fighting back, bashing back, and generally creating visibility around this are actions that feel healing and so we do them. 
 
 Second, we love responding to calls from social movements and vulnerable communities, and a big part of these have been requests for this kind of support or info. So we've been putting together as many resources as we can muster, redestributing them and remixing them, while having a lot of conversations with folks as we go. Some of our friends have said that the lack of resources simply points to the fact that 'emotional support' is basic and obvious. To that point, we wonder: if it is so obvious, then why isn't corresponding care happening more often and why do many of us fuck up so much? A lot of folks tend to be really insensitive to mental illness, write off certain types of people as being 'aggressive', 'lazy' or 'needy', conflate discomfort and harm, or maybe we all just aren't that great at actually building accountability and conflict resolution. We think that to lay more of that foundation together is vital and important.
 
-This brings us to the third major reason. While we were on this quest for info, guides, best practices, etc. around autonomous emotional support, we didn't really find whatwe were looking for. We were already really inspired by the Icarus Project and in touch with groups like Mutual Aid Disaster Relief, and others. There were various bits and pieces: essays focusing on burnout or de-escalation, some handouts given to us at actions about how to support each other through crisis, a lot of zines on accountability processes for sexual assault, some best practice guides from the non-profit sector that didn't really address the problems we saw. So we wanted to compile a guide based on our own experiences from doing this work, informed by our own approach, to help fill the gaps in the literature around this topic.
+This brings us to the third major reason. While we were on this quest for info, guides, best practices, etc. around autonomous emotional support, we didn't really find whatwe were looking for. We were already really inspired by the Icarus Project and in touch with groups like Mutual Aid Disaster Relief, and others. There were various bits and pieces: essays focusing on burnout or de-escalation, some handouts given to us at actions about how to support each other through crisis, a lot of zines on accountability processes for sexual assault, some best practice guides from the non-profit sector that didn't really address the problems we saw. So we wanted to compile a guide based on our own experiences from doing this work, informed by our own approach, to help fill the gaps in the literature around this topic. 
 
 Much of our work happens through trial and error, is embodied and starts in small conversations that we try to translate back for a wider audience. When we got invited to work on the Syllabus, though, it seemed natural that we could use that time and space to organize all of our material, get a better grasp on the history of the work of autonomous emotional support and where it has come from, and really have some dedicated time to scour and wade through it all. We were suprised to find that when we did that, we found that others might have already attempted to put out a 'best practices' guide before, but perhaps in a very different time and place or in different waves of social upheaval. All in all, we loved the opportunity to put this together for others to use, and to work on it alongside some other really amazing people and projects.
 
 We'll come out with a publication focused on autonomous emotional support sometime in the coming months that delves more into some of the ways we've seen folks already practicing this right now, contains more of the guidelines we have put together, and generally mirrors the kind of content you're more used to seeing come from PMS. This syllabus stands alone as a way to step ones toes into the work of developing autonomous emotional support. We think it would be best served for those who want to pick a few of the sessions and go through them with others who want to do this work together; the discussion questions could serve as a jumping off point for some of the conversations that will need to happen.
-
-SESSIONS
-
-- ![](session:mutualaidgroup.md)
-- ![](session:inventoryoftools.md)
-- ![](session:psychiatryandcontrol.md)
-- ![](session:takewhatyouneed.md)
-- ![](session:exerciseimaginingthegame.md)
-- ![](session:thepirateshipoffools.md)
-
-To see a comprehensive list of resources on Psycho-social autonomy go to the [library](/library/BROWSE_LIBRARY.html#/search/tags/psychosocialautonomy)....

content/topic/searescue.md

@@ -7,17 +7,17 @@ has_sessions: ["piratecentralmediterranean.md", "weareallonthesameship.md", "fro
 
  ## Context
 
-> Piracy in the early eighteenth century was, at bottom, a struggle for life against socially organized death.[^1]
+> Piracy in the early eighteenth century was, at bottom, a struggle for life against socially organized death.[^1] 
 
 This definition of piracy, however, was surely not the one that former Italian minister of interior Matteo Salvini had in mind, when he proclaimed "yet another act of Piracy by an outlaw organization", in June 2019, after the crew of Sea-Watch 3 had rescued 52 people from a rubber boat in distress.[^2] And yet, the struggle that has been going on for five years in the central Mediterranean Sea is just that: a struggle for life against socially organized death. European states have created a zone at their margins, where all their proclaimed values, their human and civil rights are suspended; a state of exception that reduces the sea to a weapon, people to bargaining chips – and the fluid southern frontier of EUrope to the deadliest border in the world.[^3]
 
-The European activists who oppose this state of exception are of course neither pirates in the historical, nor in the legal or ideational sense: If, according to Markus Rediker, historical piracy was a (class) struggle for the pirate's own life, which presupposed sheer defiance of death itself[^4], then civil sea rescue activism is primarily a fight in solidarity, starting off from the privileged position that it is not the activist's own life that is at stake. Nonetheless, the parallels that Matteo Salvini's repeated accusations of piracy unintentionally point to can't be ignored when looking at civil sea rescue as an act of pirate care: "the term pirate has been highly ideological from antiquity forward, functioning more or less as the maritime equivalent of barbarian—that is, anyone who was an enemy of the Romans."[^5]
+The European activists who oppose this state of exception are of course neither pirates in the historical, nor in the legal or ideational sense: If, according to Markus Rediker, historical piracy was a (class) struggle for the pirate's own life, which presupposed sheer defiance of death itself[^4], then civil sea rescue activism is primarily a fight in solidarity, starting off from the privileged position that it is not the activist's own life that is at stake. Nonetheless, the parallels that Matteo Salvini's repeated accusations of piracy unintentionally point to can't be ignored when looking at civil sea rescue as an act of pirate care: "the term pirate has been highly ideological from antiquity forward, functioning more or less as the maritime equivalent of barbarian—that is, anyone who was an enemy of the Romans."[^5] 
 
 While the sea rescuers were surely declared public enemy Numero Uno in Rome, at least in the first half of 2019, the question arises; does their intervention represent a modern act of symbolic piracy (in the best sense)? Or, in other words: can humanitarian emergency aid also be an act of political resistance? The state's reaction surely suggests so. While the Atlantic pirates of the golden age – a tellingly short time from 1716 until 1727 – were quickly faced with a campaign of terror by "royal officials, attorneys, merchants, publicists, clergymen, and writers who created, through proclamations, legal briefs, petitions, pamphlets, sermons, and newspaper articles, an image of the pirate that would legitimate his annihilation"[^6] the modern nation states of the EU undertook their very own campaign to 'cleanse the seas'. But let's start from the beginning.
 
 ## From Illegal Immigration to Humanitarian Border Management
 
-After heavily relying on low-cost migrant labour in the years after the second world war, due to reconstruction and a lack of 'manpower', the Oil Shock in 1973 turned the tables and brought the economical boom to an abrupt end. One of the reactions of the countries affected was to restrict labour immigration[^7]. The tightening of the visa regime not only laid the foundation for today's European border policy – and thus the so-called "refugee crisis in the Mediterranean" – but also set its constitutive dispositif: illegality. As Philippe Fargues summed it up for the International Organization for Migration (IOM): "It is common sense to state that illegality is a product of how legality is defined and the law enforced, and this applies to migration just as to any other phenomenon."
+After heavily relying on low-cost migrant labour in the years after the second world war, due to reconstruction and a lack of 'manpower', the Oil Shock in 1973 turned the tables and brought the economical boom to an abrupt end. One of the reactions of the countries affected was to restrict labour immigration[^7]. The tightening of the visa regime not only laid the foundation for today's European border policy – and thus the so-called "refugee crisis in the Mediterranean" – but also set its constitutive dispositif: illegality. As Philippe Fargues summed it up for the International Organization for Migration (IOM): "It is common sense to state that illegality is a product of how legality is defined and the law enforced, and this applies to migration just as to any other phenomenon." 
 
 The illegalisation however, didn't stop the migratory flow, for reasons which Italian journalist and human rights activist Gabriele del Grande tried to explain to former Italian interior minister Matteo Salvini, in simple capitalist terms: "[T]here are two market laws that continue to be ignored. The first is that demand generates supply. The second is that prohibition supports the mafias. In other words, as long as someone is willing to pay to travel from Africa to Europe, someone will offer them the opportunity to do so. And if the airlines won't do it, the smugglers will."[^8]
 
@@ -37,9 +37,9 @@ The civilian sea rescue didn't change this policy. In fact, it might have even a
 
 Forensic Oceanography in its inquiry Blaming the Rescuers reached a less ambivalent conclusion. It suggests that the resistant character of sea rescue is already inscribed in the act itself, irrespective of its discursive implications – in so far as this act keeps the Mediterranean route open.[^19]
 
-Both Cuttitta and Forensic Oceanography's inquiries, however, disregard the symbolic aspect: a ship, as Michel Foucault argued, can not be reduced to its functional aspect. It also offers "the greatest reserve of the imagination."[^20]
+Both Cuttitta and Forensic Oceanography's inquiries, however, disregard the symbolic aspect: a ship, as Michel Foucault argued, can not be reduced to its functional aspect. It also offers "the greatest reserve of the imagination."[^20] 
 
-Relatively independent from how de-politicising the embedding of civilian sea rescue into a - what might have at the time seemed humanitarian - border management regime, the image of the rescue ship was nonetheless seized upon by a number of re-politicising movements. As Beppe Caccia and Sandro Mezzadra of Mediterranea write: "Our ship has been appropriated and somehow reinvented from a wide range of standpoints that go from occupied social centers to parishes, universities and schools, from small town circles to metropolitan assemblies."[^21]
+Relatively independent from how de-politicising the embedding of civilian sea rescue into a - what might have at the time seemed humanitarian - border management regime, the image of the rescue ship was nonetheless seized upon by a number of re-politicising movements. As Beppe Caccia and Sandro Mezzadra of Mediterranea write: "Our ship has been appropriated and somehow reinvented from a wide range of standpoints that go from occupied social centers to parishes, universities and schools, from small town circles to metropolitan assemblies."[^21] 
 
 The most recent culmination of that story, the arrest of Carola Rackete, added a strong, rebellious-feminist layer to the projection screen, as Georg Seeßlen outlined in Jungle World:
 First, it was a man who fared the seas and ventured into the world, leaving his docile and lamenting wife back home on firm land. But now it is men that stay back lamenting [...] Vile, hysterical men that barricade themselves up with their followers in ever narrower confines and that understand less and less of the world that surrounds them the more they get worked up by it – the world of far-travelled, brave, cool and autarchic women-captains. For sure, the reality is more complicated than that, and after all it is the bad guys that mostly win. But at least we again have a story that instils hope and awakens the spirit of rebellion to life.[^22]
@@ -48,38 +48,37 @@ Ships such as Aquarius, Mare Jonio, Iuventa or Sea-Watch 3 have not only served
 
 
 
-# Has sessions
-- ![](session:piratecentralmediterranean.md)
-- ![](session:weareallonthesameship.md)
-- ![](session:fromaffinitytoactivist.md)
-- ![](session:undoingdivisioncarer.md)
+# Has sessions:
+- ![](session:piratecentralmediterranean.md) 
+- ![](session:weareallonthesameship.md) 
+- ![](session:fromaffinitytoactivist.md) 
+- ![](session:undoingdivisioncarer.md) 
 
 
 
 # References
 
-To see a comprehensive list of references for this topic go to the [library](http://syllabus.pirate.care/_preview/library/BROWSE_LIBRARY.html#/search/tags/searescue)
-
-[^1]: ![](bib:57138a50-4de4-4778-9f31-42b61ce8a3a2) p.153.
-[^2]: ![](bib:7fa9147b-177e-4f35-ab39-63c7f26da65f) Author's translation.
-[^3]: ![](bib:01aeef53-7fd8-49a2-95d2-abda276fdc74), p.1.
-[^4]: Rediker, p. 148.
-[^5]: Ibid., p. 174.
+[^1]: ![](bib:57138a50-4de4-4778-9f31-42b61ce8a3a2) p.153
+[^2]: ![](bib:7fa9147b-177e-4f35-ab39-63c7f26da65f) , author's translation (Accessed: 06.01.2020)
+[^3]: ![](bib:01aeef53-7fd8-49a2-95d2-abda276fdc74) , p.1
+[^4]: Rediker, p.148
+[^5]: Ibid., p. 174
 [^6]: Ibid.
-[^7]: ![](bib:91fff213-3805-4f6e-87d4-996dc1f19110), p. 120 f
-[^8]: ![](bib:409516e4-2f89-4dbb-8ad2-9889b87a0b0e)
-[^9]: ![](bib:01aeef53-7fd8-49a2-95d2-abda276fdc74), p. 9.
+[^7]: 
+![](bib:91fff213-3805-4f6e-87d4-996dc1f19110) , p. 120 f
+[^8]: ![](bib:409516e4-2f89-4dbb-8ad2-9889b87a0b0e) (Accessed: 02.05.2020)
+[^9]: ![](bib:01aeef53-7fd8-49a2-95d2-abda276fdc74) , p. 9
 [^10]: Ibid.
-[^11]: IOM: Missing Migrants Project. Tracking Deaths Along Migratory Routes. International Organization for Migration, https://missingmigrants.iom.int (Accessed: 28.12.2019).
-[^12]: ![](bib:48d694f4-722f-4b48-8de7-3fb901d09f09)
-[^13]: ![](bib:edfa731f-c3e3-4f4d-bdab-89f1180c36f7), p. 642.
-[^14]: Ibid., p. 638.
-[^15]: Christian Jakob et al.: Migration Control, in: [taz](https://web.archive.org/web/20220415075146/https://migration-control.taz.de/#en), June 2017 (Accessed: 08/01/2020).
+[^11]: IOM: Missing Migrants Project. Tracking Deaths Along Migratory Routes. International Organization for Migration, https://missingmigrants.iom.int (Accessed: 28.12.2019) 
+[^12]: ![](bib:48d694f4-722f-4b48-8de7-3fb901d09f09) (Accessed: 10.12.2019)
+[^13]: ![](bib:edfa731f-c3e3-4f4d-bdab-89f1180c36f7) , p. 642
+[^14]: Ibid., p. 638
+[^15]: Christian Jakob et al.: Migration Control, in: taz, June 2017, https://migration-control.taz.de (Accessed: 08/01/2020)
 [^16]: ![](bib:9cd4e0b4-9111-41a1-b299-b6bd0c64766d) (Accessed: 13/10/2019)
 [^17]: Cuttitta 2018, p. 639
-[^18]: Ibid., p. 643 f.
+[^18]: Ibid., p. 643 f
 [^19]: Forensic Oceanography, 2018, https://blamingtherescuers.org/
-[^20]: ![](bib:a9bbcfb6-ec4f-4f81-ae20-0eb6f21d8db1), p. 27.
-[^21]: ![](bib:905ae91c-7f9b-4b67-8606-9b46a525d57e)
-[^22]: ![](bib:2b351eec-3588-48f1-84bf-2bd2513c76d8)
-[^23]: Foucault, p. 27.
+[^20]: ![](bib:a9bbcfb6-ec4f-4f81-ae20-0eb6f21d8db1) p. 27
+[^21]: Caccia & Mezzadra, 2018
+[^22]: ![](bib:2b351eec-3588-48f1-84bf-2bd2513c76d8) (Accessed: 08/01/2020)
+[^23]: Foucault 1984, p. 27

content/topic/transhackfeminism.md

@@ -5,7 +5,7 @@ has_sessions: ["onsurveillanceandbiodata.md", "ongenderessentialismandbiomedical
 
 # Transhackfeminism
 
-When we use the term in the context of this syllabus, we mean a re- politicization of feminism through (bio)practice, as a multiplicity of methods. This proposal has its origin in the [transhackfeminist manifesto](https://pechblenda.hotglue.me/?transhackfeminism_en) by Pechblenda and to the first Transhackfeminist meeting [THF!](http://transhackfeminist.noblogs.org/), as well as its subsequent versions, nodes and tentacles and presence in [Hack the Earth](https://calafou.org/en/content/hack-earth-simbiotica-22-24-april). In general terms, “transhackfeminism” refers to hacking_with_care, using hacking with a meaning of (active) resistance and transformation to generate transversal knowledge through transdisciplinary artistic, aesthetic or cultural practices/ proposals. To work on producing knowledge collectively: without differentiating between theory and practice; as well as to embrace, protect and advance in free culture. To create communities where people meet, exchange, experience and share knowledge. To work on human and non-human alliances and solidarity through DIY/DIWO/DIT biotechnology, artistic and cultural practices.
+When we use the term in the context of this syllabus, we mean a re- politicization of feminism through (bio)practice, as a multiplicity of methods. This proposal has its origin in the [transhackfeminist manifesto](https://pechblenda.hotglue.me/?transhackfeminism_en) by Pechblenda and to the first Transhackfeminist meeting [THF!](http://transhackfeminist.noblogs.org/), as well as its subsequent versions, nodes and tentacles and presence in [Hack the Earth](https://calafou.org/en/content/hack-earth-simbiotica-22-24-april). In general terms, “transhackfeminism” refers to hacking_with_care, using hacking with a meaning of (active) resistance and transformation to generate transversal knowledge through transdisciplinary artistic, aesthetic or cultural practices/ proposals. To work on producing knowledge collectively: without differentiating between theory and practice; as well as to embrace, protect and advance in free culture. To create communities where people meet, exchange, experience and share knowledge. To work on human and non-human alliances and solidarity through DIY/DIWO/DIT biotechnology, artistic and cultural practices. 
 
 *To stay in touch* with the material-affective dimensions of doing and engaging (bio)practices.
 
@@ -37,4 +37,4 @@ The issue of care is central for and integral to queer, feminist and anti-racist
 [^4]: ![](bib:818f4904-9773-4f72-9303-1a2d52bfe294)
 [^5]: ![](bib:6e42ea71-8e9f-46d2-bf44-7862d975d829)
 
-To see a comprehensive list of resources on Transhackfeminism for this topic go to the [library](http://syllabus.pirate.care/_preview/library/BROWSE_LIBRARY.html#/search/tags/transhackfeminism).
+To see a comprehensive list of resources on Transhackfeminism for this topic go to the [collection](http://syllabus.pirate.care/_preview/library/BROWSE_LIBRARY.html#/search/tags/transhackfeminism).

exhibition/css/housingstruggles_print.css

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exhibition/css/library_print.css

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+
+.px-4 {
+    padding-left: 1rem;
+    padding-right: 1rem
+}
+
+.pt-1 {
+    padding-top: 0.25rem
+}
+
+.pr-1 {
+    padding-right: 0.25rem
+}
+
+.pb-1 {
+    padding-bottom: 0.25rem
+}
+
+.pl-1 {
+    padding-left: 0.25rem
+}
+
+.pt-2 {
+    padding-top: 0.5rem
+}
+
+.pr-2 {
+    padding-right: 0.5rem
+}
+
+.pb-2 {
+    padding-bottom: 0.5rem
+}
+
+.pl-2 {
+    padding-left: 0.5rem
+}
+
+.pt-3 {
+    padding-top: 0.75rem
+}
+
+.pr-3 {
+    padding-right: 0.75rem
+}
+
+.pt-4 {
+    padding-top: 1rem
+}
+
+.pr-5 {
+    padding-right: 1.25rem
+}
+
+.pt-6 {
+    padding-top: 1.5rem
+}
+
+.fixed {
+    position: fixed
+}
+
+.absolute {
+    position: absolute
+}
+
+.relative {
+    position: relative
+}
+
+.sticky {
+    position: sticky
+}
+
+.inset-x-0 {
+    right: 0;
+    left: 0
+}
+
+.top-0 {
+    top: 0
+}
+
+.bottom-0 {
+    bottom: 0
+}
+
+.fill-current {
+    fill: currentColor
+}
+
+.table-auto {
+    table-layout: auto
+}
+
+.text-left {
+    text-align: left
+}
+
+.text-center {
+    text-align: center
+}
+
+.text-right {
+    text-align: right
+}
+
+.text-black {
+    color: #000
+}
+
+.text-white {
+    color: #fff
+}
+
+.text-gray-800 {
+    color: #2d3748
+}
+
+.text-motw-red {
+    color: #ff0000
+}
+
+.text-motw-blue {
+    color: #007bff
+}
+
+.active\:text-red-200:active {
+    color: #fed7d7
+}
+
+.text-sm {
+    font-size: 0.875rem
+}
+
+.text-base {
+    font-size: 1rem
+}
+
+.text-lg {
+    font-size: 1.125rem
+}
+
+.text-xl {
+    font-size: 1.25rem
+}
+
+.italic {
+    font-style: italic
+}
+
+.not-italic {
+    font-style: normal
+}
+
+.underline {
+    text-decoration: underline
+}
+
+.hover\:underline:hover {
+    text-decoration: underline
+}
+
+.select-none {
+    user-select: none
+}
+
+.align-top {
+    vertical-align: top
+}
+
+.visible {
+    visibility: visible
+}
+
+.whitespace-no-wrap {
+    white-space: nowrap
+}
+
+.w-4 {
+    width: 1rem
+}
+
+.w-1\/4 {
+    width: 25%
+}
+
+.w-1\/12 {
+    width: 8.333333%
+}
+
+.w-9\/12 {
+    width: 75%
+}
+
+.w-11\/12 {
+    width: 91.666667%
+}
+
+.w-full {
+    width: 100%
+}
+
+.z-40 {
+    z-index: 40
+}
+
+.z-50 {
+    z-index: 50
+}
+
+@media(min-width: 200px) {
+    .suv\:text-sm {
+        font-size:0.875rem
+    }
+
+    .suv\:w-1\/12 {
+        width: 25%
+    }
+}
+
+.hamburger-icon.svelte-18c4dj9 {
+    height: 0.7em;
+    background: linear-gradient(to bottom, #fff 0%, #fff 20%, transparent 20%, transparent 40%, #fff 40%, #fff 60%, transparent 60%, transparent 80%, #fff 80%, #fff 100%)
+}
+
+.motw-bookmark.svelte-18c4dj9 {
+    border: 1.2em solid red;
+    border-right-color: white
+}
+
+.motw-bookmark.svelte-18c4dj9:active {
+    color: #fed7d7
+}
+
+tr.svelte-cty6wm:nth-child(odd) {
+    background-color: #e7e7e7
+}
+
+th.svelte-cty6wm {
+    color: #2d3748;
+    background-color: #a7a7a7
+}
+
+td.svelte-cty6wm {
+    vertical-align: top;
+    padding-left: 0.25rem;
+    padding-right: 0.25rem;
+    padding-top: 0.5rem;
+    padding-bottom: 0.25rem
+}
+
+a.svelte-cty6wm:hover {
+    text-decoration: underline;
+    text-decoration-color: red;
+    font-weight: bold;
+    cursor: pointer
+}
+
+.modal.svelte-xjoc7v {
+    height: 100%;
+    width: 100%;
+    position: fixed;
+    z-index: 50;
+    overflow: auto;
+    display: flex;
+    background-color: rgba(0,0,0,0.7)
+}
+
+.cover.svelte-xjoc7v {
+    background-color: #fff;
+    border-color: #fff;
+    border-width: 2px;
+    border-top-width: 8px;
+    border-left-width: 8px;
+    min-height: 4em;
+    background-image: url("data:image/svg+xml,%3Csvg%20xmlns%3D%22http%3A%2F%2Fwww.w3.org%2F2000%2Fsvg%22%20viewBox%3D%220%200%2063.5%2084.7%22%20height%3D%22320%22%20width%3D%22240%22%3E%3Cpath%20d%3D%22M5.292%205.292h52.917v74.083H5.292z%22%20fill%3D%22%23e0e0e0%22%20paint-order%3D%22stroke%20fill%20markers%22%2F%3E%3Cpath%20d%3D%22M10.6%2010.6h42.3v63.5H10.6z%22%20fill%3D%22%23c0c0c0%22%20paint-order%3D%22stroke%20fill%20markers%22%2F%3E%3Cpath%20d%3D%22M15.8%2015.8h31.8v53H15.8z%22%20fill%3D%22%23a0a0a0%22%20paint-order%3D%22stroke%20fill%20markers%22%2F%3E%3C%2Fsvg%3E");
+    background-repeat: no-repeat;
+    background-size: cover
+}
+
+.candilist.svelte-14w2vqu {
+    max-height: 16em
+}
+
+.showCandidates.svelte-14w2vqu {
+    display: block;
+    border-color: #ff0000;
+    border-bottom-width: 4px
+}
+
+.zeroBottomBorder.svelte-14w2vqu {
+    border-bottom-width: 0
+}
+
+.modulo1.svelte-14w2vqu {
+    background-color: #fff
+}
+
+.modulo0.svelte-14w2vqu {
+    background-color: #e7e7e7
+}
+
+.cover.svelte-18010u {
+    min-height: 16em;
+    background-image: url("data:image/svg+xml,%3Csvg%20xmlns%3D%22http%3A%2F%2Fwww.w3.org%2F2000%2Fsvg%22%20viewBox%3D%220%200%2063.5%2084.7%22%20height%3D%22320%22%20width%3D%22240%22%3E%3Cpath%20d%3D%22M5.292%205.292h52.917v74.083H5.292z%22%20fill%3D%22%23e0e0e0%22%20paint-order%3D%22stroke%20fill%20markers%22%2F%3E%3Cpath%20d%3D%22M10.6%2010.6h42.3v63.5H10.6z%22%20fill%3D%22%23c0c0c0%22%20paint-order%3D%22stroke%20fill%20markers%22%2F%3E%3Cpath%20d%3D%22M15.8%2015.8h31.8v53H15.8z%22%20fill%3D%22%23a0a0a0%22%20paint-order%3D%22stroke%20fill%20markers%22%2F%3E%3C%2Fsvg%3E");
+    background-repeat: no-repeat;
+    background-size: cover
+}
+
+.showlist.svelte-24i4z8 {
+    border-bottom-width: 4px;
+    border-color: #ff0000;
+    display: table;
+    z-index: 60
+}
+
+.hidelist.svelte-24i4z8 {
+    display: none
+}
+
+.dropdown-li.svelte-24i4z8 {
+    background-color: #fff;
+    padding-top: 0.25rem;
+    padding-bottom: 0.25rem;
+    padding-left: 0.75rem;
+    padding-right: 0.75rem;
+    white-space: nowrap;
+    color: #2d3748
+}
+
+.dropdown-li.svelte-24i4z8:hover {
+    border-bottom-width: 2px;
+    border-color: #ff0000;
+    font-style: italic;
+    font-weight: 700;
+    padding-left: 0.5rem;
+    padding-bottom: 0.25rem
+}
+
+li.svelte-24i4z8:nth-child(odd) {
+    background-color: #e7e7e7
+}
+
+/*# sourceMappingURL=bundle.css.map */
+
+@page {
+    size: 210mm 9550mm;
+}
+
+html {
+    font-family: IBMPlexMono, Courier New, monospace;
+    font-size: 1em;
+}

exhibition/css/motw_print.css

@@ -0,0 +1,609 @@
+/*!normalize.css v8.0.1 | MIT License | github.com/necolas/normalize.css*/
+html {
+    line-height: 1.15;
+}
+
+body {
+    margin: 0
+
+}
+
+main {
+    display: block
+}
+
+a {
+    background-color: transparent
+}
+
+b {
+    font-weight: bolder
+}
+
+img {
+    border-style: none
+}
+
+input {
+    font-family: inherit;
+    font-size: 100%;
+    line-height: 1.15;
+    margin: 0
+}
+
+input {
+    overflow: visible
+}
+
+[type=checkbox] {
+    box-sizing: border-box;
+    padding: 0
+}
+
+template {
+    display: none
+}
+
+p {
+    margin: 0
+}
+
+ul {
+    list-style: none;
+    margin: 0;
+    padding: 0
+}
+
+html {
+    font-family: system-ui,-apple-system,BlinkMacSystemFont,segoe ui,Roboto,helvetica neue,Arial,noto sans,sans-serif,apple color emoji,segoe ui emoji,segoe ui symbol,noto color emoji;
+    line-height: 1.5
+}
+
+*,::before,::after {
+    box-sizing: border-box;
+    border-width: 0;
+    border-style: solid;
+    border-color: currentColor
+}
+
+img {
+    border-style: solid
+}
+
+input::-webkit-input-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input::-moz-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input:-ms-input-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input::-ms-input-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input::placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+table {
+    border-collapse: collapse
+}
+
+a {
+    color: inherit;
+    text-decoration: inherit
+}
+
+input {
+    padding: 0;
+    line-height: inherit;
+    color: inherit
+}
+
+img,svg {
+    display: block;
+    vertical-align: middle
+}
+
+img {
+    max-width: 100%;
+    height: auto
+}
+
+.bg-CoconutCream {
+    background-color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.bg-AuChico {
+    background-color: #996561
+}
+
+.border-CoconutCream {
+    border-color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.border-b-8 {
+    border-bottom-width: 8px
+}
+
+.cursor-pointer {
+    cursor: pointer
+}
+
+.block {
+    display: block
+}
+
+.flex {
+    display: -webkit-box;
+    display: flex
+}
+
+.table {
+    display: table
+}
+
+.justify-between {
+    -webkit-box-pack: justify;
+    justify-content: space-between
+}
+
+.font-vg5000 {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans
+}
+
+.font-playfair {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans
+}
+
+.font-bold {
+    font-weight: 700
+}
+
+.h-full {
+    height: 100%
+}
+
+.leading-none {
+    line-height: 1
+}
+
+.mx-4 {
+    margin-left: 1rem;
+    margin-right: 1rem
+}
+
+.mb-1 {
+    margin-bottom: .25rem
+}
+
+.mt-4 {
+    margin-top: 1rem
+}
+
+.mb-4 {
+    margin-bottom: 1rem
+}
+
+.mb-6 {
+    margin-bottom: 1.5rem
+}
+
+.mt-8 {
+    margin-top: 2rem
+}
+
+.mb-12 {
+    margin-bottom: 3rem
+}
+
+.p-1 {
+    padding: .25rem
+}
+
+.px-1 {
+    padding-left: .25rem;
+    padding-right: .25rem
+}
+
+.pt-2 {
+    padding-top: .5rem
+}
+
+.pt-3 {
+    padding-top: .75rem
+}
+
+.pr-4 {
+    padding-right: 1rem
+}
+
+.pt-6 {
+    padding-top: 1.5rem
+}
+
+.pb-6 {
+    padding-bottom: 1.5rem
+}
+
+.pb-8 {
+    padding-bottom: 2rem
+}
+
+.pt-16 {
+    padding-top: 4rem
+}
+
+.pt-32 {
+    padding-top: 8rem
+}
+
+.static {
+    position: static
+}
+
+.sticky {
+    position: -webkit-sticky;
+    position: sticky
+}
+
+.top-0 {
+    top: 0
+}
+
+.text-CoconutCream {
+    color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.text-xs {
+    font-size: .75rem
+}
+
+.text-base {
+    font-size: 1rem
+}
+
+.italic {
+    font-style: italic
+}
+
+.z-10 {
+    z-index: 10
+}
+
+@font-face {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular;
+    font-weight: 400;
+    src: url(../fonts/PlayfairDisplay-Regular.woff)format('woff')
+}
+
+@font-face {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular;
+    font-weight: 400;
+    src: url(../fonts/VG5000-Regular_web.woff)format('woff')
+}
+
+body {
+    padding-top: 3rem;
+    padding-left: 3rem;
+    padding-right: 3rem;
+}
+
+img {
+    padding-top: .5rem;
+    padding-bottom: .5rem
+}
+
+h1 {
+    font-size: 1.875rem;
+    -webkit-column-break-after: avoid;
+    -moz-column-break-after: avoid;
+    break-after: avoid
+}
+
+h2 {
+    font-size: 1.5rem;
+    -webkit-column-break-after: avoid;
+    -moz-column-break-after: avoid;
+    break-after: avoid
+}
+
+h3 {
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    -webkit-column-break-after: avoid;
+    -moz-column-break-after: avoid;
+    break-after: avoid
+}
+
+blockquote {
+    font-style: italic
+}
+
+p {
+    padding-bottom: .5rem;
+    line-height: 1.25
+}
+
+article ul {
+    position: relative;
+    list-style-type: none;
+    margin-left: 0;
+    padding-left: .75rem
+}
+
+article ul li:before {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    color: #996561;
+    font-size: .75rem;
+    left: 0;
+    position: absolute;
+    padding-top: .5rem;
+    padding-bottom: .5rem;
+    content: "•"
+}
+
+article li {
+    padding-left: .5rem
+}
+
+a {
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+a:hover {
+    text-decoration: underline
+}
+
+.edit-button {
+    border-bottom-width: 4px;
+    border-color: #f2f6d5;
+    padding-left: .25rem;
+    padding-right: .25rem;
+    background-color: #996561;
+    margin-bottom: .5rem;
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.edit-button:hover {
+    background-color: #f2f6d5;
+    color: #996561;
+    border-bottom-width: 2px;
+    border-color: #996561
+}
+
+.title-text {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+    font-size: 2.25rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.title-pretext {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.content-text {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #29102f
+}
+
+.sidebar-title {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.sidebar-list {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.logo {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #996561;
+    padding-top: .5rem
+}
+
+.ddmenu .sidebar-title {
+    cursor: pointer
+}
+
+.ddmenu input {
+    display: none
+}
+
+.ddmenu .hiddendiv {
+    padding-bottom: .25rem;
+    display: none
+}
+
+.ddmenu input:not(:checked)~.hiddendiv {
+    display: block;
+    padding-bottom: 1rem
+}
+
+#TableOfContents {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #996561;
+    margin-left: -.5rem
+}
+
+#TableOfContents ul {
+    margin-left: .5rem
+}
+
+#TableOfContents li:before {
+    content: "> "
+}
+
+@page:first {
+    @bottom {
+        content: none;
+    }
+}
+
+@page {
+    margin-bottom: 5mm;
+    @top {
+        color: #996561;
+        font-size: 1rem;
+        font-family: 'VG5000-Regular';
+        content: -moz-element(topic);
+        content: element(topic);
+    }
+
+    @bottom {
+        color: #996561;
+        font-size: 0.5rem;
+        font-family: 'VG5000-Regular';
+        content: "▒▒ 🐟 ▒ ▒▒▒ 🐙  ▒▒▒🏃  ▒▒☄▒ PAGE: " counter(page) " ▒ ▒▒▒▒ ⚡ ▒🔍▒  ☠ ▒ ▒▒▒";
+    }
+}
+
+@page topic:first {
+    @top {
+        content: none;
+    }
+}
+
+@media print {
+    body {
+        background-color: #f2f6d5;
+        color: #29102f;
+        font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans
+    }
+
+    .runningTopic {
+        position: running(topic)
+    }
+
+    .topic {
+        -webkit-column-break-before: page;
+        -moz-column-break-before: page;
+        break-before: page;
+        page: topic
+    }
+
+    .title-text {
+        font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+        font-size: 4rem;
+        color: #996561;
+        margin-bottom: 5rem
+    }
+
+    .title-pretext {
+        font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+        font-size: 1.5rem;
+        color: #996561
+    }
+
+    .topic-text {
+        font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+        font-size: 2.25rem;
+        color: #996561;
+        margin-bottom: 5rem
+    }
+
+    .topic-pretext {
+        font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+        font-size: 1.5rem;
+        color: #996561
+    }
+
+    article ul li:before {
+        content: ""
+    }
+
+    .toc::after {
+        text-align: right;
+        float: right;
+        content: target-counter(attr(href url),page,decimal-leading-zero)
+    }
+}
+
+
+    .md\:flex-row {
+        -webkit-box-orient:horizontal;
+        -webkit-box-direction: normal;
+        flex-direction: row
+    }
+
+    .md\:w-full {
+        width: 100%
+    }
+
+@page {
+    size: 850mm 4350mm;
+}
+
+html {
+    font-size: 4em;
+    background-color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+footer {
+    padding-top: 100mm;
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: .75rem;
+    color: #29102f
+}
+
+.printheader {
+	height: 40mm;
+}
+
+.spacer1 {
+  padding-top: 1000mm;
+}
+
+header {
+  padding-bottom: 3rem;
+}
+
+.ddmenus {
+  padding-top: 2rem;
+}
+
+article li {
+  list-style-type: none;
+}
+
+blockquote {
+  padding-left: 1rem;
+  font-style: normal;
+  font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+}
+
+blockquote:before {
+ content: open-quote;
+  color: #996561;
+  font-size: 2em;
+  line-height: 0.1em;
+  margin-right: 0.1em;
+  vertical-align: -0.1em;
+}
+
+blockquote:after {
+ content: close-quote;
+  color: #996561;
+  font-size: 2em;
+  line-height: 0.1em;
+  margin-left: 0.1em;
+  vertical-align: -0.1em;
+}
+ 
+blockquote p {
+  display: inline;
+}
+

exhibition/css/piratecare_library_A4.css

@@ -0,0 +1,604 @@
+/*!normalize.css v8.0.1 | MIT License | github.com/necolas/normalize.css*/
+html {
+    line-height: 1.15;
+}
+
+body {
+    margin: 0
+
+}
+
+main {
+    display: block
+}
+
+a {
+    background-color: transparent
+}
+
+b {
+    font-weight: bolder
+}
+
+img {
+    border-style: none
+}
+
+input {
+    font-family: inherit;
+    font-size: 100%;
+    line-height: 1.15;
+    margin: 0
+}
+
+input {
+    overflow: visible
+}
+
+[type=checkbox] {
+    box-sizing: border-box;
+    padding: 0
+}
+
+template {
+    display: none
+}
+
+p {
+    margin: 0
+}
+
+ul {
+    list-style: none;
+    margin: 0;
+    padding: 0
+}
+
+html {
+    font-family: system-ui,-apple-system,BlinkMacSystemFont,segoe ui,Roboto,helvetica neue,Arial,noto sans,sans-serif,apple color emoji,segoe ui emoji,segoe ui symbol,noto color emoji;
+    line-height: 1.5
+}
+
+*,::before,::after {
+    box-sizing: border-box;
+    border-width: 0;
+    border-style: solid;
+    border-color: currentColor
+}
+
+img {
+    border-style: solid
+}
+
+input::-webkit-input-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input::-moz-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input:-ms-input-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input::-ms-input-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input::placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+table {
+    border-collapse: collapse
+}
+
+a {
+    color: inherit;
+    text-decoration: inherit
+}
+
+input {
+    padding: 0;
+    line-height: inherit;
+    color: inherit
+}
+
+img,svg {
+    display: block;
+    vertical-align: middle
+}
+
+img {
+    max-width: 100%;
+    height: auto
+}
+
+.bg-CoconutCream {
+    background-color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.bg-AuChico {
+    background-color: #996561
+}
+
+.border-CoconutCream {
+    border-color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.border-b-8 {
+    border-bottom-width: 8px
+}
+
+.cursor-pointer {
+    cursor: pointer
+}
+
+.block {
+    display: block
+}
+
+.flex {
+    display: -webkit-box;
+    display: flex
+}
+
+.table {
+    display: table
+}
+
+.justify-between {
+    -webkit-box-pack: justify;
+    justify-content: space-between
+}
+
+.font-vg5000 {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans
+}
+
+.font-playfair {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans
+}
+
+.font-bold {
+    font-weight: 700
+}
+
+.h-full {
+    height: 100%
+}
+
+.leading-none {
+    line-height: 1
+}
+
+.mx-4 {
+    margin-left: 1rem;
+    margin-right: 1rem
+}
+
+.mb-1 {
+    margin-bottom: .25rem
+}
+
+.mt-4 {
+    margin-top: 1rem
+}
+
+.mb-4 {
+    margin-bottom: 1rem
+}
+
+.mb-6 {
+    margin-bottom: 1.5rem
+}
+
+.mt-8 {
+    margin-top: 2rem
+}
+
+.mb-12 {
+    margin-bottom: 3rem
+}
+
+.p-1 {
+    padding: .25rem
+}
+
+.px-1 {
+    padding-left: .25rem;
+    padding-right: .25rem
+}
+
+.pt-2 {
+    padding-top: .5rem
+}
+
+.pt-3 {
+    padding-top: .75rem
+}
+
+.pr-4 {
+    padding-right: 1rem
+}
+
+.pt-6 {
+    padding-top: 1.5rem
+}
+
+.pb-6 {
+    padding-bottom: 1.5rem
+}
+
+.pb-8 {
+    padding-bottom: 2rem
+}
+
+.pt-16 {
+    padding-top: 4rem
+}
+
+.pt-32 {
+    padding-top: 8rem
+}
+
+.static {
+    position: static
+}
+
+.sticky {
+    position: -webkit-sticky;
+    position: sticky
+}
+
+.top-0 {
+    top: 0
+}
+
+.text-CoconutCream {
+    color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.text-xs {
+    font-size: .75rem
+}
+
+.text-base {
+    font-size: 1rem
+}
+
+.italic {
+    font-style: italic
+}
+
+.z-10 {
+    z-index: 10
+}
+
+@font-face {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular;
+    font-weight: 400;
+    src: url(../fonts/PlayfairDisplay-Regular.woff)format('woff')
+}
+
+@font-face {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular;
+    font-weight: 400;
+    src: url(../fonts/VG5000-Regular_web.woff)format('woff')
+}
+
+img {
+    padding-top: .5rem;
+    padding-bottom: .5rem
+}
+
+h1 {
+    font-size: 1.875rem;
+    -webkit-column-break-after: avoid;
+    -moz-column-break-after: avoid;
+    break-after: avoid
+}
+
+h2 {
+    font-size: 1.5rem;
+    -webkit-column-break-after: avoid;
+    -moz-column-break-after: avoid;
+    break-after: avoid
+}
+
+h3 {
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    -webkit-column-break-after: avoid;
+    -moz-column-break-after: avoid;
+    break-after: avoid
+}
+
+blockquote {
+    font-style: italic
+}
+
+p {
+    padding-bottom: .5rem;
+    line-height: 1.25
+}
+
+article ul {
+    position: relative;
+    list-style-type: none;
+    margin-left: 0;
+    padding-left: .75rem
+}
+
+article ul li:before {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    color: #996561;
+    font-size: .75rem;
+    left: 0;
+    position: absolute;
+    padding-top: .5rem;
+    padding-bottom: .5rem;
+    content: "•"
+}
+
+article li {
+    padding-left: .5rem
+}
+
+a {
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+a:hover {
+    text-decoration: underline
+}
+
+.edit-button {
+    border-bottom-width: 4px;
+    border-color: #f2f6d5;
+    padding-left: .25rem;
+    padding-right: .25rem;
+    background-color: #996561;
+    margin-bottom: .5rem;
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.edit-button:hover {
+    background-color: #f2f6d5;
+    color: #996561;
+    border-bottom-width: 2px;
+    border-color: #996561
+}
+
+.title-text {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+    font-size: 2.25rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.title-pretext {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.content-text {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #29102f
+}
+
+.sidebar-title {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.sidebar-list {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.logo {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #996561;
+    padding-top: .5rem
+}
+
+.ddmenu .sidebar-title {
+    cursor: pointer
+}
+
+.ddmenu input {
+    display: none
+}
+
+.ddmenu .hiddendiv {
+    padding-bottom: .25rem;
+    display: none
+}
+
+.ddmenu input:not(:checked)~.hiddendiv {
+    display: block;
+    padding-bottom: 1rem
+}
+
+#TableOfContents {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #996561;
+    margin-left: -.5rem
+}
+
+#TableOfContents ul {
+    margin-left: .5rem
+}
+
+#TableOfContents li:before {
+    content: "> "
+}
+
+@page:first {
+    @bottom {
+        content: none;
+    }
+}
+
+@page {
+    margin-bottom: 5mm;
+    @top {
+        color: #996561;
+        font-size: 1rem;
+        font-family: 'VG5000-Regular';
+        content: -moz-element(topic);
+        content: element(topic);
+    }
+
+    @bottom {
+        color: #996561;
+        font-size: 0.5rem;
+        font-family: 'VG5000-Regular';
+        content: "▒▒ 🐟 ▒ ▒▒▒ 🐙  ▒▒▒🏃  ▒▒☄▒ PAGE: " counter(page) " ▒ ▒▒▒▒ ⚡ ▒🔍▒  ☠ ▒ ▒▒▒";
+    }
+}
+
+@page topic:first {
+    @top {
+        content: none;
+    }
+}
+
+@media print {
+    body {
+        background-color: #f2f6d5;
+        color: #29102f;
+        font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans
+    }
+
+    .runningTopic {
+        position: running(topic)
+    }
+
+    .topic {
+        -webkit-column-break-before: page;
+        -moz-column-break-before: page;
+        break-before: page;
+        page: topic
+    }
+
+    .title-text {
+        font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+        font-size: 4rem;
+        color: #996561;
+        margin-bottom: 5rem
+    }
+
+    .title-pretext {
+        font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+        font-size: 1.5rem;
+        color: #996561
+    }
+
+    .topic-text {
+        font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+        font-size: 2.25rem;
+        color: #996561;
+        margin-bottom: 5rem
+    }
+
+    .topic-pretext {
+        font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+        font-size: 1.5rem;
+        color: #996561
+    }
+
+    article ul li:before {
+        content: ""
+    }
+
+    .toc::after {
+        text-align: right;
+        float: right;
+        content: target-counter(attr(href url),page,decimal-leading-zero)
+    }
+}
+
+
+    .md\:flex-row {
+        -webkit-box-orient:horizontal;
+        -webkit-box-direction: normal;
+        flex-direction: row
+    }
+
+    .md\:w-full {
+        width: 100%
+    }
+
+@page {
+    size: 1000mm 3000mm;
+}
+
+html {
+    font-size: 3.7em;
+    background-color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+footer {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: .75rem;
+    color: #29102f
+}
+
+
+header {
+  padding-bottom: 3rem;
+}
+
+.ddmenus {
+  padding-top: 2rem;
+}
+
+article li {
+  list-style-type: none;
+}
+
+blockquote {
+  padding-left: 1rem;
+  font-style: normal;
+  font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+}
+
+blockquote:before {
+ content: open-quote;
+  color: #996561;
+  font-size: 2em;
+  line-height: 0.1em;
+  margin-right: 0.1em;
+  vertical-align: -0.1em;
+}
+
+blockquote:after {
+ content: close-quote;
+  color: #996561;
+  font-size: 2em;
+  line-height: 0.1em;
+  margin-left: 0.1em;
+  vertical-align: -0.1em;
+}
+ 
+blockquote p {
+  display: inline;
+}
+
+body {
+    padding-top: 2rem;
+    padding-left: 3rem;
+    padding-right: 8rem;
+}
+
+.spacer1, .spacer2 {
+  padding-bottom: 10rem;
+}

exhibition/css/planka_print.css

@@ -0,0 +1,609 @@
+/*!normalize.css v8.0.1 | MIT License | github.com/necolas/normalize.css*/
+html {
+    line-height: 1.15;
+}
+
+body {
+    margin: 0
+
+}
+
+main {
+    display: block
+}
+
+a {
+    background-color: transparent
+}
+
+b {
+    font-weight: bolder
+}
+
+img {
+    border-style: none
+}
+
+input {
+    font-family: inherit;
+    font-size: 100%;
+    line-height: 1.15;
+    margin: 0
+}
+
+input {
+    overflow: visible
+}
+
+[type=checkbox] {
+    box-sizing: border-box;
+    padding: 0
+}
+
+template {
+    display: none
+}
+
+p {
+    margin: 0
+}
+
+ul {
+    list-style: none;
+    margin: 0;
+    padding: 0
+}
+
+html {
+    font-family: system-ui,-apple-system,BlinkMacSystemFont,segoe ui,Roboto,helvetica neue,Arial,noto sans,sans-serif,apple color emoji,segoe ui emoji,segoe ui symbol,noto color emoji;
+    line-height: 1.5
+}
+
+*,::before,::after {
+    box-sizing: border-box;
+    border-width: 0;
+    border-style: solid;
+    border-color: currentColor
+}
+
+img {
+    border-style: solid
+}
+
+input::-webkit-input-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input::-moz-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input:-ms-input-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input::-ms-input-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input::placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+table {
+    border-collapse: collapse
+}
+
+a {
+    color: inherit;
+    text-decoration: inherit
+}
+
+input {
+    padding: 0;
+    line-height: inherit;
+    color: inherit
+}
+
+img,svg {
+    display: block;
+    vertical-align: middle
+}
+
+img {
+    max-width: 100%;
+    height: auto
+}
+
+.bg-CoconutCream {
+    background-color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.bg-AuChico {
+    background-color: #996561
+}
+
+.border-CoconutCream {
+    border-color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.border-b-8 {
+    border-bottom-width: 8px
+}
+
+.cursor-pointer {
+    cursor: pointer
+}
+
+.block {
+    display: block
+}
+
+.flex {
+    display: -webkit-box;
+    display: flex
+}
+
+.table {
+    display: table
+}
+
+.justify-between {
+    -webkit-box-pack: justify;
+    justify-content: space-between
+}
+
+.font-vg5000 {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans
+}
+
+.font-playfair {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans
+}
+
+.font-bold {
+    font-weight: 700
+}
+
+.h-full {
+    height: 100%
+}
+
+.leading-none {
+    line-height: 1
+}
+
+.mx-4 {
+    margin-left: 1rem;
+    margin-right: 1rem
+}
+
+.mb-1 {
+    margin-bottom: .25rem
+}
+
+.mt-4 {
+    margin-top: 1rem
+}
+
+.mb-4 {
+    margin-bottom: 1rem
+}
+
+.mb-6 {
+    margin-bottom: 1.5rem
+}
+
+.mt-8 {
+    margin-top: 2rem
+}
+
+.mb-12 {
+    margin-bottom: 3rem
+}
+
+.p-1 {
+    padding: .25rem
+}
+
+.px-1 {
+    padding-left: .25rem;
+    padding-right: .25rem
+}
+
+.pt-2 {
+    padding-top: .5rem
+}
+
+.pt-3 {
+    padding-top: .75rem
+}
+
+.pr-4 {
+    padding-right: 1rem
+}
+
+.pt-6 {
+    padding-top: 1.5rem
+}
+
+.pb-6 {
+    padding-bottom: 1.5rem
+}
+
+.pb-8 {
+    padding-bottom: 2rem
+}
+
+.pt-16 {
+    padding-top: 4rem
+}
+
+.pt-32 {
+    padding-top: 8rem
+}
+
+.static {
+    position: static
+}
+
+.sticky {
+    position: -webkit-sticky;
+    position: sticky
+}
+
+.top-0 {
+    top: 0
+}
+
+.text-CoconutCream {
+    color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.text-xs {
+    font-size: .75rem
+}
+
+.text-base {
+    font-size: 1rem
+}
+
+.italic {
+    font-style: italic
+}
+
+.z-10 {
+    z-index: 10
+}
+
+@font-face {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular;
+    font-weight: 400;
+    src: url(../fonts/PlayfairDisplay-Regular.woff)format('woff')
+}
+
+@font-face {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular;
+    font-weight: 400;
+    src: url(../fonts/VG5000-Regular_web.woff)format('woff')
+}
+
+body {
+    padding-top: 3rem;
+    padding-left: 3rem;
+    padding-right: 3rem;
+}
+
+img {
+    padding-top: .5rem;
+    padding-bottom: .5rem
+}
+
+h1 {
+    font-size: 1.875rem;
+    -webkit-column-break-after: avoid;
+    -moz-column-break-after: avoid;
+    break-after: avoid
+}
+
+h2 {
+    font-size: 1.5rem;
+    -webkit-column-break-after: avoid;
+    -moz-column-break-after: avoid;
+    break-after: avoid
+}
+
+h3 {
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    -webkit-column-break-after: avoid;
+    -moz-column-break-after: avoid;
+    break-after: avoid
+}
+
+blockquote {
+    font-style: italic
+}
+
+p {
+    padding-bottom: .5rem;
+    line-height: 1.25
+}
+
+article ul {
+    position: relative;
+    list-style-type: none;
+    margin-left: 0;
+    padding-left: .75rem
+}
+
+article ul li:before {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    color: #996561;
+    font-size: .75rem;
+    left: 0;
+    position: absolute;
+    padding-top: .5rem;
+    padding-bottom: .5rem;
+    content: "•"
+}
+
+article li {
+    padding-left: .5rem
+}
+
+a {
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+a:hover {
+    text-decoration: underline
+}
+
+.edit-button {
+    border-bottom-width: 4px;
+    border-color: #f2f6d5;
+    padding-left: .25rem;
+    padding-right: .25rem;
+    background-color: #996561;
+    margin-bottom: .5rem;
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.edit-button:hover {
+    background-color: #f2f6d5;
+    color: #996561;
+    border-bottom-width: 2px;
+    border-color: #996561
+}
+
+.title-text {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+    font-size: 2.25rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.title-pretext {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.content-text {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #29102f
+}
+
+.sidebar-title {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.sidebar-list {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.logo {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #996561;
+    padding-top: .5rem
+}
+
+.ddmenu .sidebar-title {
+    cursor: pointer
+}
+
+.ddmenu input {
+    display: none
+}
+
+.ddmenu .hiddendiv {
+    padding-bottom: .25rem;
+    display: none
+}
+
+.ddmenu input:not(:checked)~.hiddendiv {
+    display: block;
+    padding-bottom: 1rem
+}
+
+#TableOfContents {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #996561;
+    margin-left: -.5rem
+}
+
+#TableOfContents ul {
+    margin-left: .5rem
+}
+
+#TableOfContents li:before {
+    content: "> "
+}
+
+@page:first {
+    @bottom {
+        content: none;
+    }
+}
+
+@page {
+    margin-bottom: 5mm;
+    @top {
+        color: #996561;
+        font-size: 1rem;
+        font-family: 'VG5000-Regular';
+        content: -moz-element(topic);
+        content: element(topic);
+    }
+
+    @bottom {
+        color: #996561;
+        font-size: 0.5rem;
+        font-family: 'VG5000-Regular';
+        content: "▒▒ 🐟 ▒ ▒▒▒ 🐙  ▒▒▒🏃  ▒▒☄▒ PAGE: " counter(page) " ▒ ▒▒▒▒ ⚡ ▒🔍▒  ☠ ▒ ▒▒▒";
+    }
+}
+
+@page topic:first {
+    @top {
+        content: none;
+    }
+}
+
+@media print {
+    body {
+        background-color: #f2f6d5;
+        color: #29102f;
+        font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans
+    }
+
+    .runningTopic {
+        position: running(topic)
+    }
+
+    .topic {
+        -webkit-column-break-before: page;
+        -moz-column-break-before: page;
+        break-before: page;
+        page: topic
+    }
+
+    .title-text {
+        font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+        font-size: 4rem;
+        color: #996561;
+        margin-bottom: 5rem
+    }
+
+    .title-pretext {
+        font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+        font-size: 1.5rem;
+        color: #996561
+    }
+
+    .topic-text {
+        font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+        font-size: 2.25rem;
+        color: #996561;
+        margin-bottom: 5rem
+    }
+
+    .topic-pretext {
+        font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+        font-size: 1.5rem;
+        color: #996561
+    }
+
+    article ul li:before {
+        content: ""
+    }
+
+    .toc::after {
+        text-align: right;
+        float: right;
+        content: target-counter(attr(href url),page,decimal-leading-zero)
+    }
+}
+
+
+    .md\:flex-row {
+        -webkit-box-orient:horizontal;
+        -webkit-box-direction: normal;
+        flex-direction: row
+    }
+
+    .md\:w-full {
+        width: 100%
+    }
+
+@page {
+    size: 850mm 5100mm;
+}
+
+html {
+    font-size: 4em;
+    background-color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+footer {
+    padding-top: 100mm;
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: .75rem;
+    color: #29102f
+}
+
+.printheader {
+	height: 40mm;
+}
+
+.spacer1 {
+  padding-top: 1000mm;
+}
+
+header {
+  padding-bottom: 3rem;
+}
+
+.ddmenus {
+  padding-top: 2rem;
+}
+
+article li {
+  list-style-type: none;
+}
+
+blockquote {
+  padding-left: 1rem;
+  font-style: normal;
+  font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+}
+
+blockquote:before {
+ content: open-quote;
+  color: #996561;
+  font-size: 2em;
+  line-height: 0.1em;
+  margin-right: 0.1em;
+  vertical-align: -0.1em;
+}
+
+blockquote:after {
+ content: close-quote;
+  color: #996561;
+  font-size: 2em;
+  line-height: 0.1em;
+  margin-left: 0.1em;
+  vertical-align: -0.1em;
+}
+ 
+blockquote p {
+  display: inline;
+}
+

exhibition/css/sea-watch_print.css

@@ -0,0 +1,608 @@
+/*!normalize.css v8.0.1 | MIT License | github.com/necolas/normalize.css*/
+html {
+    line-height: 1.15;
+}
+
+body {
+    margin: 0
+
+}
+
+main {
+    display: block
+}
+
+a {
+    background-color: transparent
+}
+
+b {
+    font-weight: bolder
+}
+
+img {
+    border-style: none
+}
+
+input {
+    font-family: inherit;
+    font-size: 100%;
+    line-height: 1.15;
+    margin: 0
+}
+
+input {
+    overflow: visible
+}
+
+[type=checkbox] {
+    box-sizing: border-box;
+    padding: 0
+}
+
+template {
+    display: none
+}
+
+p {
+    margin: 0
+}
+
+ul {
+    list-style: none;
+    margin: 0;
+    padding: 0
+}
+
+html {
+    font-family: system-ui,-apple-system,BlinkMacSystemFont,segoe ui,Roboto,helvetica neue,Arial,noto sans,sans-serif,apple color emoji,segoe ui emoji,segoe ui symbol,noto color emoji;
+    line-height: 1.5
+}
+
+*,::before,::after {
+    box-sizing: border-box;
+    border-width: 0;
+    border-style: solid;
+    border-color: currentColor
+}
+
+img {
+    border-style: solid
+}
+
+input::-webkit-input-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input::-moz-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input:-ms-input-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input::-ms-input-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input::placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+table {
+    border-collapse: collapse
+}
+
+a {
+    color: inherit;
+    text-decoration: inherit
+}
+
+input {
+    padding: 0;
+    line-height: inherit;
+    color: inherit
+}
+
+img,svg {
+    display: block;
+    vertical-align: middle
+}
+
+img {
+    max-width: 100%;
+    height: auto
+}
+
+.bg-CoconutCream {
+    background-color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.bg-AuChico {
+    background-color: #996561
+}
+
+.border-CoconutCream {
+    border-color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.border-b-8 {
+    border-bottom-width: 8px
+}
+
+.cursor-pointer {
+    cursor: pointer
+}
+
+.block {
+    display: block
+}
+
+.flex {
+    display: -webkit-box;
+    display: flex
+}
+
+.table {
+    display: table
+}
+
+.justify-between {
+    -webkit-box-pack: justify;
+    justify-content: space-between
+}
+
+.font-vg5000 {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans
+}
+
+.font-playfair {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans
+}
+
+.font-bold {
+    font-weight: 700
+}
+
+.h-full {
+    height: 100%
+}
+
+.leading-none {
+    line-height: 1
+}
+
+.mx-4 {
+    margin-left: 1rem;
+    margin-right: 1rem
+}
+
+.mb-1 {
+    margin-bottom: .25rem
+}
+
+.mt-4 {
+    margin-top: 1rem
+}
+
+.mb-4 {
+    margin-bottom: 1rem
+}
+
+.mb-6 {
+    margin-bottom: 1.5rem
+}
+
+.mt-8 {
+    margin-top: 2rem
+}
+
+.mb-12 {
+    margin-bottom: 3rem
+}
+
+.p-1 {
+    padding: .25rem
+}
+
+.px-1 {
+    padding-left: .25rem;
+    padding-right: .25rem
+}
+
+.pt-2 {
+    padding-top: .5rem
+}
+
+.pt-3 {
+    padding-top: .75rem
+}
+
+.pr-4 {
+    padding-right: 1rem
+}
+
+.pt-6 {
+    padding-top: 1.5rem
+}
+
+.pb-6 {
+    padding-bottom: 1.5rem
+}
+
+.pb-8 {
+    padding-bottom: 2rem
+}
+
+.pt-16 {
+    padding-top: 4rem
+}
+
+.pt-32 {
+    padding-top: 8rem
+}
+
+.static {
+    position: static
+}
+
+.sticky {
+    position: -webkit-sticky;
+    position: sticky
+}
+
+.top-0 {
+    top: 0
+}
+
+.text-CoconutCream {
+    color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.text-xs {
+    font-size: .75rem
+}
+
+.text-base {
+    font-size: 1rem
+}
+
+.italic {
+    font-style: italic
+}
+
+.z-10 {
+    z-index: 10
+}
+
+@font-face {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular;
+    font-weight: 400;
+    src: url(../fonts/PlayfairDisplay-Regular.woff)format('woff')
+}
+
+@font-face {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular;
+    font-weight: 400;
+    src: url(../fonts/VG5000-Regular_web.woff)format('woff')
+}
+
+img {
+    padding-top: .5rem;
+    padding-bottom: .5rem
+}
+
+h1 {
+    font-size: 1.875rem;
+    -webkit-column-break-after: avoid;
+    -moz-column-break-after: avoid;
+    break-after: avoid
+}
+
+h2 {
+    font-size: 1.5rem;
+    -webkit-column-break-after: avoid;
+    -moz-column-break-after: avoid;
+    break-after: avoid
+}
+
+h3 {
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    -webkit-column-break-after: avoid;
+    -moz-column-break-after: avoid;
+    break-after: avoid
+}
+
+blockquote {
+    font-style: italic
+}
+
+p {
+    padding-bottom: .5rem;
+    line-height: 1.25
+}
+
+article ul {
+    position: relative;
+    list-style-type: none;
+    margin-left: 0;
+    padding-left: .75rem
+}
+
+article ul li:before {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    color: #996561;
+    font-size: .75rem;
+    left: 0;
+    position: absolute;
+    padding-top: .5rem;
+    padding-bottom: .5rem;
+    content: "•"
+}
+
+article li {
+    padding-left: .5rem
+}
+
+a {
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+a:hover {
+    text-decoration: underline
+}
+
+.edit-button {
+    border-bottom-width: 4px;
+    border-color: #f2f6d5;
+    padding-left: .25rem;
+    padding-right: .25rem;
+    background-color: #996561;
+    margin-bottom: .5rem;
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.edit-button:hover {
+    background-color: #f2f6d5;
+    color: #996561;
+    border-bottom-width: 2px;
+    border-color: #996561
+}
+
+.title-text {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+    font-size: 2.25rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.title-pretext {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.content-text {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #29102f
+}
+
+.sidebar-title {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.sidebar-list {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.logo {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #996561;
+    padding-top: .5rem
+}
+
+.ddmenu .sidebar-title {
+    cursor: pointer
+}
+
+.ddmenu input {
+    display: none
+}
+
+.ddmenu .hiddendiv {
+    padding-bottom: .25rem;
+    display: none
+}
+
+.ddmenu input:not(:checked)~.hiddendiv {
+    display: block;
+    padding-bottom: 1rem
+}
+
+#TableOfContents {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #996561;
+    margin-left: -.5rem
+}
+
+#TableOfContents ul {
+    margin-left: .5rem
+}
+
+#TableOfContents li:before {
+    content: "> "
+}
+
+@page:first {
+    @bottom {
+        content: none;
+    }
+}
+
+@page {
+    margin-bottom: 5mm;
+    @top {
+        color: #996561;
+        font-size: 1rem;
+        font-family: 'VG5000-Regular';
+        content: -moz-element(topic);
+        content: element(topic);
+    }
+
+    @bottom {
+        color: #996561;
+        font-size: 0.5rem;
+        font-family: 'VG5000-Regular';
+        content: "▒▒ 🐟 ▒ ▒▒▒ 🐙  ▒▒▒🏃  ▒▒☄▒ PAGE: " counter(page) " ▒ ▒▒▒▒ ⚡ ▒🔍▒  ☠ ▒ ▒▒▒";
+    }
+}
+
+@page topic:first {
+    @top {
+        content: none;
+    }
+}
+
+@media print {
+    body {
+        background-color: #f2f6d5;
+        color: #29102f;
+        font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans
+    }
+
+    .runningTopic {
+        position: running(topic)
+    }
+
+    .topic {
+        -webkit-column-break-before: page;
+        -moz-column-break-before: page;
+        break-before: page;
+        page: topic
+    }
+
+    .title-text {
+        font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+        font-size: 4rem;
+        color: #996561;
+        margin-bottom: 5rem
+    }
+
+    .title-pretext {
+        font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+        font-size: 1.5rem;
+        color: #996561
+    }
+
+    .topic-text {
+        font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+        font-size: 2.25rem;
+        color: #996561;
+        margin-bottom: 5rem
+    }
+
+    .topic-pretext {
+        font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+        font-size: 1.5rem;
+        color: #996561
+    }
+
+    article ul li:before {
+        content: ""
+    }
+
+    .toc::after {
+        text-align: right;
+        float: right;
+        content: target-counter(attr(href url),page,decimal-leading-zero)
+    }
+}
+
+
+    .md\:flex-row {
+        -webkit-box-orient:horizontal;
+        -webkit-box-direction: normal;
+        flex-direction: row
+    }
+
+    .md\:w-full {
+        width: 100%
+    }
+
+@page {
+    size: 850mm 7500mm;
+}
+
+html {
+    font-size: 6em;
+    background-color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+footer {
+    padding-top: 100mm;
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: .75rem;
+    color: #29102f
+}
+
+.printheader {
+	height: 600mm;
+}
+
+.spacer1 {
+  padding-top: 100mm;
+}
+
+header {
+  padding-bottom: 3rem;
+}
+
+.ddmenus {
+  padding-top: 2rem;
+}
+
+article li {
+  list-style-type: none;
+}
+
+blockquote {
+  padding-left: 1rem;
+  font-style: normal;
+  font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+}
+
+blockquote:before {
+ content: open-quote;
+  color: #996561;
+  font-size: 2em;
+  line-height: 0.1em;
+  margin-right: 0.1em;
+  vertical-align: -0.1em;
+}
+
+blockquote:after {
+ content: close-quote;
+  color: #996561;
+  font-size: 2em;
+  line-height: 0.1em;
+  margin-left: 0.1em;
+  vertical-align: -0.1em;
+}
+ 
+blockquote p {
+  display: inline;
+}
+
+body {
+    padding-top: 3rem;
+    padding-left: 2rem;
+    padding-right: 2rem;
+}

exhibition/css/soprasotto_print_1x3m.css

@@ -0,0 +1,600 @@
+/*!normalize.css v8.0.1 | MIT License | github.com/necolas/normalize.css*/
+html {
+    line-height: 1.15;
+}
+
+body {
+    margin: 0
+
+}
+
+main {
+    display: block
+}
+
+a {
+    background-color: transparent
+}
+
+b {
+    font-weight: bolder
+}
+
+img {
+    border-style: none
+}
+
+input {
+    font-family: inherit;
+    font-size: 100%;
+    line-height: 1.15;
+    margin: 0
+}
+
+input {
+    overflow: visible
+}
+
+[type=checkbox] {
+    box-sizing: border-box;
+    padding: 0
+}
+
+template {
+    display: none
+}
+
+p {
+    margin: 0
+}
+
+ul {
+    list-style: none;
+    margin: 0;
+    padding: 0
+}
+
+html {
+    font-family: system-ui,-apple-system,BlinkMacSystemFont,segoe ui,Roboto,helvetica neue,Arial,noto sans,sans-serif,apple color emoji,segoe ui emoji,segoe ui symbol,noto color emoji;
+    line-height: 1.5
+}
+
+*,::before,::after {
+    box-sizing: border-box;
+    border-width: 0;
+    border-style: solid;
+    border-color: currentColor
+}
+
+img {
+    border-style: solid
+}
+
+input::-webkit-input-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input::-moz-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input:-ms-input-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input::-ms-input-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input::placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+table {
+    border-collapse: collapse
+}
+
+a {
+    color: inherit;
+    text-decoration: inherit
+}
+
+input {
+    padding: 0;
+    line-height: inherit;
+    color: inherit
+}
+
+img,svg {
+    display: block;
+    vertical-align: middle
+}
+
+img {
+    max-width: 100%;
+    height: auto
+}
+
+.bg-CoconutCream {
+    background-color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.bg-AuChico {
+    background-color: #996561
+}
+
+.border-CoconutCream {
+    border-color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.border-b-8 {
+    border-bottom-width: 8px
+}
+
+.cursor-pointer {
+    cursor: pointer
+}
+
+.block {
+    display: block
+}
+
+.flex {
+    display: -webkit-box;
+    display: flex
+}
+
+.table {
+    display: table
+}
+
+.justify-between {
+    -webkit-box-pack: justify;
+    justify-content: space-between
+}
+
+.font-vg5000 {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans
+}
+
+.font-playfair {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans
+}
+
+.font-bold {
+    font-weight: 700
+}
+
+.h-full {
+    height: 100%
+}
+
+.leading-none {
+    line-height: 1
+}
+
+.mx-4 {
+    margin-left: 1rem;
+    margin-right: 1rem
+}
+
+.mb-1 {
+    margin-bottom: .25rem
+}
+
+.mt-4 {
+    margin-top: 1rem
+}
+
+.mb-4 {
+    margin-bottom: 1rem
+}
+
+.mb-6 {
+    margin-bottom: 1.5rem
+}
+
+.mt-8 {
+    margin-top: 2rem
+}
+
+.mb-12 {
+    margin-bottom: 3rem
+}
+
+.p-1 {
+    padding: .25rem
+}
+
+.px-1 {
+    padding-left: .25rem;
+    padding-right: .25rem
+}
+
+.pt-2 {
+    padding-top: .5rem
+}
+
+.pt-3 {
+    padding-top: .75rem
+}
+
+.pr-4 {
+    padding-right: 1rem
+}
+
+.pt-6 {
+    padding-top: 1.5rem
+}
+
+.pb-6 {
+    padding-bottom: 1.5rem
+}
+
+.pb-8 {
+    padding-bottom: 2rem
+}
+
+.pt-16 {
+    padding-top: 4rem
+}
+
+.pt-32 {
+    padding-top: 8rem
+}
+
+.static {
+    position: static
+}
+
+.sticky {
+    position: -webkit-sticky;
+    position: sticky
+}
+
+.top-0 {
+    top: 0
+}
+
+.text-CoconutCream {
+    color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.text-xs {
+    font-size: .75rem
+}
+
+.text-base {
+    font-size: 1rem
+}
+
+.italic {
+    font-style: italic
+}
+
+.z-10 {
+    z-index: 10
+}
+
+@font-face {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular;
+    font-weight: 400;
+    src: url(../fonts/PlayfairDisplay-Regular.woff)format('woff')
+}
+
+@font-face {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular;
+    font-weight: 400;
+    src: url(../fonts/VG5000-Regular_web.woff)format('woff')
+}
+
+img {
+    padding-top: .5rem;
+    padding-bottom: .5rem
+}
+
+h1 {
+    font-size: 1.875rem;
+    -webkit-column-break-after: avoid;
+    -moz-column-break-after: avoid;
+    break-after: avoid
+}
+
+h2 {
+    font-size: 1.5rem;
+    -webkit-column-break-after: avoid;
+    -moz-column-break-after: avoid;
+    break-after: avoid
+}
+
+h3 {
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    -webkit-column-break-after: avoid;
+    -moz-column-break-after: avoid;
+    break-after: avoid
+}
+
+blockquote {
+    font-style: italic
+}
+
+p {
+    padding-bottom: .5rem;
+    line-height: 1.25
+}
+
+article ul {
+    position: relative;
+    list-style-type: none;
+    margin-left: 0;
+    padding-left: .75rem
+}
+
+article ul li:before {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    color: #996561;
+    font-size: .75rem;
+    left: 0;
+    position: absolute;
+    padding-top: .5rem;
+    padding-bottom: .5rem;
+    content: "•"
+}
+
+article li {
+    padding-left: .5rem
+}
+
+a {
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+a:hover {
+    text-decoration: underline
+}
+
+.edit-button {
+    border-bottom-width: 4px;
+    border-color: #f2f6d5;
+    padding-left: .25rem;
+    padding-right: .25rem;
+    background-color: #996561;
+    margin-bottom: .5rem;
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.edit-button:hover {
+    background-color: #f2f6d5;
+    color: #996561;
+    border-bottom-width: 2px;
+    border-color: #996561
+}
+
+.title-text {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+    font-size: 2.25rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.title-pretext {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.content-text {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #29102f
+}
+
+.sidebar-title {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.sidebar-list {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.logo {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #996561;
+    padding-top: .5rem
+}
+
+.ddmenu .sidebar-title {
+    cursor: pointer
+}
+
+.ddmenu input {
+    display: none
+}
+
+.ddmenu .hiddendiv {
+    padding-bottom: .25rem;
+    display: none
+}
+
+.ddmenu input:not(:checked)~.hiddendiv {
+    display: block;
+    padding-bottom: 1rem
+}
+
+#TableOfContents {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #996561;
+    margin-left: -.5rem
+}
+
+#TableOfContents ul {
+    margin-left: .5rem
+}
+
+#TableOfContents li:before {
+    content: "> "
+}
+
+@page:first {
+    @bottom {
+        content: none;
+    }
+}
+
+@page {
+    margin-bottom: 5mm;
+    @top {
+        color: #996561;
+        font-size: 1rem;
+        font-family: 'VG5000-Regular';
+        content: -moz-element(topic);
+        content: element(topic);
+    }
+
+    @bottom {
+        color: #996561;
+        font-size: 0.5rem;
+        font-family: 'VG5000-Regular';
+        content: "▒▒ 🐟 ▒ ▒▒▒ 🐙  ▒▒▒🏃  ▒▒☄▒ PAGE: " counter(page) " ▒ ▒▒▒▒ ⚡ ▒🔍▒  ☠ ▒ ▒▒▒";
+    }
+}
+
+@page topic:first {
+    @top {
+        content: none;
+    }
+}
+
+@media print {
+    body {
+        background-color: #f2f6d5;
+        color: #29102f;
+        font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans
+    }
+
+    .runningTopic {
+        position: running(topic)
+    }
+
+    .topic {
+        -webkit-column-break-before: page;
+        -moz-column-break-before: page;
+        break-before: page;
+        page: topic
+    }
+
+    .title-text {
+        font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+        font-size: 4rem;
+        color: #996561;
+        margin-bottom: 5rem
+    }
+
+    .title-pretext {
+        font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+        font-size: 1.5rem;
+        color: #996561
+    }
+
+    .topic-text {
+        font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+        font-size: 2.25rem;
+        color: #996561;
+        margin-bottom: 5rem
+    }
+
+    .topic-pretext {
+        font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+        font-size: 1.5rem;
+        color: #996561
+    }
+
+    article ul li:before {
+        content: ""
+    }
+
+    .toc::after {
+        text-align: right;
+        float: right;
+        content: target-counter(attr(href url),page,decimal-leading-zero)
+    }
+}
+
+
+    .md\:flex-row {
+        -webkit-box-orient:horizontal;
+        -webkit-box-direction: normal;
+        flex-direction: row
+    }
+
+    .md\:w-full {
+        width: 100%
+    }
+
+@page {
+    size: 1000mm 3000mm;
+}
+
+html {
+    font-size: 3.7em;
+    background-color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+footer {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: .75rem;
+    color: #29102f
+}
+
+
+header {
+  padding-bottom: 3rem;
+}
+
+.ddmenus {
+  padding-top: 2rem;
+}
+
+article li {
+  list-style-type: none;
+}
+
+blockquote {
+  padding-left: 1rem;
+  font-style: normal;
+  font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+}
+
+blockquote:before {
+ content: open-quote;
+  color: #996561;
+  font-size: 2em;
+  line-height: 0.1em;
+  margin-right: 0.1em;
+  vertical-align: -0.1em;
+}
+
+blockquote:after {
+ content: close-quote;
+  color: #996561;
+  font-size: 2em;
+  line-height: 0.1em;
+  margin-left: 0.1em;
+  vertical-align: -0.1em;
+}
+ 
+blockquote p {
+  display: inline;
+}
+
+body {
+    padding-top: 2rem;
+    padding-left: 3rem;
+    padding-right: 8rem;
+}

exhibition/css/wow_print.css

@@ -0,0 +1,608 @@
+/*!normalize.css v8.0.1 | MIT License | github.com/necolas/normalize.css*/
+html {
+    line-height: 1.15;
+}
+
+body {
+    margin: 0
+
+}
+
+main {
+    display: block
+}
+
+a {
+    background-color: transparent
+}
+
+b {
+    font-weight: bolder
+}
+
+img {
+    border-style: none
+}
+
+input {
+    font-family: inherit;
+    font-size: 100%;
+    line-height: 1.15;
+    margin: 0
+}
+
+input {
+    overflow: visible
+}
+
+[type=checkbox] {
+    box-sizing: border-box;
+    padding: 0
+}
+
+template {
+    display: none
+}
+
+p {
+    margin: 0
+}
+
+ul {
+    list-style: none;
+    margin: 0;
+    padding: 0
+}
+
+html {
+    font-family: system-ui,-apple-system,BlinkMacSystemFont,segoe ui,Roboto,helvetica neue,Arial,noto sans,sans-serif,apple color emoji,segoe ui emoji,segoe ui symbol,noto color emoji;
+    line-height: 1.5
+}
+
+*,::before,::after {
+    box-sizing: border-box;
+    border-width: 0;
+    border-style: solid;
+    border-color: currentColor
+}
+
+img {
+    border-style: solid
+}
+
+input::-webkit-input-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input::-moz-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input:-ms-input-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input::-ms-input-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input::placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+table {
+    border-collapse: collapse
+}
+
+a {
+    color: inherit;
+    text-decoration: inherit
+}
+
+input {
+    padding: 0;
+    line-height: inherit;
+    color: inherit
+}
+
+img,svg {
+    display: block;
+    vertical-align: middle
+}
+
+img {
+    max-width: 100%;
+    height: auto
+}
+
+.bg-CoconutCream {
+    background-color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.bg-AuChico {
+    background-color: #996561
+}
+
+.border-CoconutCream {
+    border-color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.border-b-8 {
+    border-bottom-width: 8px
+}
+
+.cursor-pointer {
+    cursor: pointer
+}
+
+.block {
+    display: block
+}
+
+.flex {
+    display: -webkit-box;
+    display: flex
+}
+
+.table {
+    display: table
+}
+
+.justify-between {
+    -webkit-box-pack: justify;
+    justify-content: space-between
+}
+
+.font-vg5000 {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans
+}
+
+.font-playfair {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans
+}
+
+.font-bold {
+    font-weight: 700
+}
+
+.h-full {
+    height: 100%
+}
+
+.leading-none {
+    line-height: 1
+}
+
+.mx-4 {
+    margin-left: 1rem;
+    margin-right: 1rem
+}
+
+.mb-1 {
+    margin-bottom: .25rem
+}
+
+.mt-4 {
+    margin-top: 1rem
+}
+
+.mb-4 {
+    margin-bottom: 1rem
+}
+
+.mb-6 {
+    margin-bottom: 1.5rem
+}
+
+.mt-8 {
+    margin-top: 2rem
+}
+
+.mb-12 {
+    margin-bottom: 3rem
+}
+
+.p-1 {
+    padding: .25rem
+}
+
+.px-1 {
+    padding-left: .25rem;
+    padding-right: .25rem
+}
+
+.pt-2 {
+    padding-top: .5rem
+}
+
+.pt-3 {
+    padding-top: .75rem
+}
+
+.pr-4 {
+    padding-right: 1rem
+}
+
+.pt-6 {
+    padding-top: 1.5rem
+}
+
+.pb-6 {
+    padding-bottom: 1.5rem
+}
+
+.pb-8 {
+    padding-bottom: 2rem
+}
+
+.pt-16 {
+    padding-top: 4rem
+}
+
+.pt-32 {
+    padding-top: 8rem
+}
+
+.static {
+    position: static
+}
+
+.sticky {
+    position: -webkit-sticky;
+    position: sticky
+}
+
+.top-0 {
+    top: 0
+}
+
+.text-CoconutCream {
+    color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.text-xs {
+    font-size: .75rem
+}
+
+.text-base {
+    font-size: 1rem
+}
+
+.italic {
+    font-style: italic
+}
+
+.z-10 {
+    z-index: 10
+}
+
+@font-face {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular;
+    font-weight: 400;
+    src: url(../fonts/PlayfairDisplay-Regular.woff)format('woff')
+}
+
+@font-face {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular;
+    font-weight: 400;
+    src: url(../fonts/VG5000-Regular_web.woff)format('woff')
+}
+
+body {
+    padding-top: 3rem;
+    padding-left: 3rem;
+    padding-right: 3rem;
+}
+
+img {
+    padding-top: .5rem;
+    padding-bottom: .5rem
+}
+
+h1 {
+    font-size: 1.875rem;
+    -webkit-column-break-after: avoid;
+    -moz-column-break-after: avoid;
+    break-after: avoid
+}
+
+h2 {
+    font-size: 1.5rem;
+    -webkit-column-break-after: avoid;
+    -moz-column-break-after: avoid;
+    break-after: avoid
+}
+
+h3 {
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    -webkit-column-break-after: avoid;
+    -moz-column-break-after: avoid;
+    break-after: avoid
+}
+
+blockquote {
+    font-style: italic
+}
+
+p {
+    padding-bottom: .5rem;
+    line-height: 1.25
+}
+
+article ul {
+    position: relative;
+    list-style-type: none;
+    margin-left: 0;
+    padding-left: .75rem
+}
+
+article ul li:before {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    color: #996561;
+    font-size: .75rem;
+    left: 0;
+    position: absolute;
+    padding-top: .5rem;
+    padding-bottom: .5rem;
+    content: "•"
+}
+
+article li {
+    padding-left: .5rem
+}
+
+a {
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+a:hover {
+    text-decoration: underline
+}
+
+.edit-button {
+    border-bottom-width: 4px;
+    border-color: #f2f6d5;
+    padding-left: .25rem;
+    padding-right: .25rem;
+    background-color: #996561;
+    margin-bottom: .5rem;
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.edit-button:hover {
+    background-color: #f2f6d5;
+    color: #996561;
+    border-bottom-width: 2px;
+    border-color: #996561
+}
+
+.title-text {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+    font-size: 2.25rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.title-pretext {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.content-text {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #29102f
+}
+
+.sidebar-title {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.sidebar-list {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.logo {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #996561;
+    padding-top: .5rem
+}
+
+.ddmenu .sidebar-title {
+    cursor: pointer
+}
+
+.ddmenu input {
+    display: none
+}
+
+.ddmenu .hiddendiv {
+    padding-bottom: .25rem;
+    display: none
+}
+
+.ddmenu input:not(:checked)~.hiddendiv {
+    display: block;
+    padding-bottom: 1rem
+}
+
+#TableOfContents {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #996561;
+    margin-left: -.5rem
+}
+
+#TableOfContents ul {
+    margin-left: .5rem
+}
+
+#TableOfContents li:before {
+    content: "> "
+}
+
+@page:first {
+    @bottom {
+        content: none;
+    }
+}
+
+@page {
+    margin-bottom: 5mm;
+    @top {
+        color: #996561;
+        font-size: 1rem;
+        font-family: 'VG5000-Regular';
+        content: -moz-element(topic);
+        content: element(topic);
+    }
+
+    @bottom {
+        color: #996561;
+        font-size: 0.5rem;
+        font-family: 'VG5000-Regular';
+        content: "▒▒ 🐟 ▒ ▒▒▒ 🐙  ▒▒▒🏃  ▒▒☄▒ PAGE: " counter(page) " ▒ ▒▒▒▒ ⚡ ▒🔍▒  ☠ ▒ ▒▒▒";
+    }
+}
+
+@page topic:first {
+    @top {
+        content: none;
+    }
+}
+
+@media print {
+    body {
+        background-color: #f2f6d5;
+        color: #29102f;
+        font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans
+    }
+
+    .runningTopic {
+        position: running(topic)
+    }
+
+    .topic {
+        -webkit-column-break-before: page;
+        -moz-column-break-before: page;
+        break-before: page;
+        page: topic
+    }
+
+    .title-text {
+        font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+        font-size: 4rem;
+        color: #996561;
+        margin-bottom: 5rem
+    }
+
+    .title-pretext {
+        font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+        font-size: 1.5rem;
+        color: #996561
+    }
+
+    .topic-text {
+        font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+        font-size: 2.25rem;
+        color: #996561;
+        margin-bottom: 5rem
+    }
+
+    .topic-pretext {
+        font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+        font-size: 1.5rem;
+        color: #996561
+    }
+
+    article ul li:before {
+        content: ""
+    }
+
+    .toc::after {
+        text-align: right;
+        float: right;
+        content: target-counter(attr(href url),page,decimal-leading-zero)
+    }
+}
+
+
+    .md\:flex-row {
+        -webkit-box-orient:horizontal;
+        -webkit-box-direction: normal;
+        flex-direction: row
+    }
+
+    .md\:w-full {
+        width: 100%
+    }
+
+@page {
+    size: 850mm 6800mm;
+}
+
+html {
+    font-size: 4em;
+    background-color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+footer {
+    padding-top: 100mm;
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: .75rem;
+    color: #29102f
+}
+
+.printheader {
+	height: 40mm;
+}
+
+header {
+  padding-bottom: 3rem;
+}
+
+.ddmenus {
+  padding-top: 2rem;
+}
+
+article li {
+  list-style-type: none;
+}
+
+blockquote {
+  padding-left: 1rem;
+  font-style: normal;
+  font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+}
+
+blockquote:before {
+ content: open-quote;
+  color: #996561;
+  font-size: 2em;
+  line-height: 0.1em;
+  margin-right: 0.1em;
+  vertical-align: -0.1em;
+}
+
+blockquote:after {
+ content: close-quote;
+  color: #996561;
+  font-size: 2em;
+  line-height: 0.1em;
+  margin-left: 0.1em;
+  vertical-align: -0.1em;
+}
+ 
+blockquote p {
+  display: inline;
+}
+
+.drone {
+  padding-bottom: 500mm;
+}

exhibition/exhibition_print.css

@@ -0,0 +1,559 @@
+/*!normalize.css v8.0.1 | MIT License | github.com/necolas/normalize.css*/
+html {
+    line-height: 1.15;
+}
+
+body {
+    margin: 0
+
+}
+
+main {
+    display: block
+}
+
+a {
+    background-color: transparent
+}
+
+b {
+    font-weight: bolder
+}
+
+img {
+    border-style: none
+}
+
+input {
+    font-family: inherit;
+    font-size: 100%;
+    line-height: 1.15;
+    margin: 0
+}
+
+input {
+    overflow: visible
+}
+
+[type=checkbox] {
+    box-sizing: border-box;
+    padding: 0
+}
+
+template {
+    display: none
+}
+
+p {
+    margin: 0
+}
+
+ul {
+    list-style: none;
+    margin: 0;
+    padding: 0
+}
+
+html {
+    font-family: system-ui,-apple-system,BlinkMacSystemFont,segoe ui,Roboto,helvetica neue,Arial,noto sans,sans-serif,apple color emoji,segoe ui emoji,segoe ui symbol,noto color emoji;
+    line-height: 1.5
+}
+
+*,::before,::after {
+    box-sizing: border-box;
+    border-width: 0;
+    border-style: solid;
+    border-color: currentColor
+}
+
+img {
+    border-style: solid
+}
+
+input::-webkit-input-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input::-moz-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input:-ms-input-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input::-ms-input-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input::placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+table {
+    border-collapse: collapse
+}
+
+a {
+    color: inherit;
+    text-decoration: inherit
+}
+
+input {
+    padding: 0;
+    line-height: inherit;
+    color: inherit
+}
+
+img,svg {
+    display: block;
+    vertical-align: middle
+}
+
+img {
+    max-width: 100%;
+    height: auto
+}
+
+.bg-CoconutCream {
+    background-color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.bg-AuChico {
+    background-color: #996561
+}
+
+.border-CoconutCream {
+    border-color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.border-b-8 {
+    border-bottom-width: 8px
+}
+
+.cursor-pointer {
+    cursor: pointer
+}
+
+.block {
+    display: block
+}
+
+.flex {
+    display: -webkit-box;
+    display: flex
+}
+
+.table {
+    display: table
+}
+
+.justify-between {
+    -webkit-box-pack: justify;
+    justify-content: space-between
+}
+
+.font-vg5000 {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans
+}
+
+.font-playfair {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans
+}
+
+.font-bold {
+    font-weight: 700
+}
+
+.h-full {
+    height: 100%
+}
+
+.leading-none {
+    line-height: 1
+}
+
+.mx-4 {
+    margin-left: 1rem;
+    margin-right: 1rem
+}
+
+.mb-1 {
+    margin-bottom: .25rem
+}
+
+.mt-4 {
+    margin-top: 1rem
+}
+
+.mb-4 {
+    margin-bottom: 1rem
+}
+
+.mb-6 {
+    margin-bottom: 1.5rem
+}
+
+.mt-8 {
+    margin-top: 2rem
+}
+
+.mb-12 {
+    margin-bottom: 3rem
+}
+
+.p-1 {
+    padding: .25rem
+}
+
+.px-1 {
+    padding-left: .25rem;
+    padding-right: .25rem
+}
+
+.pt-2 {
+    padding-top: .5rem
+}
+
+.pt-3 {
+    padding-top: .75rem
+}
+
+.pr-4 {
+    padding-right: 1rem
+}
+
+.pt-6 {
+    padding-top: 1.5rem
+}
+
+.pb-6 {
+    padding-bottom: 1.5rem
+}
+
+.pb-8 {
+    padding-bottom: 2rem
+}
+
+.pt-16 {
+    padding-top: 4rem
+}
+
+.pt-32 {
+    padding-top: 8rem
+}
+
+.static {
+    position: static
+}
+
+.sticky {
+    position: -webkit-sticky;
+    position: sticky
+}
+
+.top-0 {
+    top: 0
+}
+
+.text-CoconutCream {
+    color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.text-xs {
+    font-size: .75rem
+}
+
+.text-base {
+    font-size: 1rem
+}
+
+.italic {
+    font-style: italic
+}
+
+.z-10 {
+    z-index: 10
+}
+
+@font-face {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular;
+    font-weight: 400;
+    src: url(../fonts/PlayfairDisplay-Regular.woff)format('woff')
+}
+
+@font-face {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular;
+    font-weight: 400;
+    src: url(../fonts/VG5000-Regular_web.woff)format('woff')
+}
+
+html {
+    font-size: 5em;
+    background-color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+body {
+    padding-top: 3rem;
+    padding-left: 3rem;
+    padding-right: 3rem;
+}
+
+img {
+    padding-top: .5rem;
+    padding-bottom: .5rem
+}
+
+h1 {
+    font-size: 1.875rem;
+    -webkit-column-break-after: avoid;
+    -moz-column-break-after: avoid;
+    break-after: avoid
+}
+
+h2 {
+    font-size: 1.5rem;
+    -webkit-column-break-after: avoid;
+    -moz-column-break-after: avoid;
+    break-after: avoid
+}
+
+h3 {
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    -webkit-column-break-after: avoid;
+    -moz-column-break-after: avoid;
+    break-after: avoid
+}
+
+blockquote {
+    font-style: italic
+}
+
+p {
+    padding-bottom: .5rem;
+    line-height: 1.25
+}
+
+footer {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: .75rem;
+    color: #29102f
+}
+
+article ul {
+    position: relative;
+    list-style-type: none;
+    margin-left: 0;
+    padding-left: .75rem
+}
+
+article ul li:before {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    color: #996561;
+    font-size: .75rem;
+    left: 0;
+    position: absolute;
+    padding-top: .5rem;
+    padding-bottom: .5rem;
+    content: "•"
+}
+
+article li {
+    padding-left: .5rem
+}
+
+a {
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+a:hover {
+    text-decoration: underline
+}
+
+.edit-button {
+    border-bottom-width: 4px;
+    border-color: #f2f6d5;
+    padding-left: .25rem;
+    padding-right: .25rem;
+    background-color: #996561;
+    margin-bottom: .5rem;
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.edit-button:hover {
+    background-color: #f2f6d5;
+    color: #996561;
+    border-bottom-width: 2px;
+    border-color: #996561
+}
+
+.title-text {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+    font-size: 2.25rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.title-pretext {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.content-text {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #29102f
+}
+
+.sidebar-title {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.sidebar-list {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.logo {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #996561;
+    padding-top: .5rem
+}
+
+.ddmenu .sidebar-title {
+    cursor: pointer
+}
+
+.ddmenu input {
+    display: none
+}
+
+.ddmenu .hiddendiv {
+    padding-bottom: .25rem;
+    display: none
+}
+
+.ddmenu input:not(:checked)~.hiddendiv {
+    display: block;
+    padding-bottom: 1rem
+}
+
+#TableOfContents {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #996561;
+    margin-left: -.5rem
+}
+
+#TableOfContents ul {
+    margin-left: .5rem
+}
+
+#TableOfContents li:before {
+    content: "> "
+}
+
+@page {
+    size: 850mm 4000mm;
+}
+
+@page:first {
+    @bottom {
+        content: none;
+    }
+}
+
+@page {
+    margin-bottom: 5mm;
+    @top {
+        color: #996561;
+        font-size: 1rem;
+        font-family: 'VG5000-Regular';
+        content: -moz-element(topic);
+        content: element(topic);
+    }
+
+    @bottom {
+        color: #996561;
+        font-size: 0.5rem;
+        font-family: 'VG5000-Regular';
+        content: "▒▒ 🐟 ▒ ▒▒▒ 🐙  ▒▒▒🏃  ▒▒☄▒ PAGE: " counter(page) " ▒ ▒▒▒▒ ⚡ ▒🔍▒  ☠ ▒ ▒▒▒";
+    }
+}
+
+@page topic:first {
+    @top {
+        content: none;
+    }
+}
+
+@media print {
+    body {
+        background-color: #f2f6d5;
+        color: #29102f;
+        font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans
+    }
+
+    .runningTopic {
+        position: running(topic)
+    }
+
+    .topic {
+        -webkit-column-break-before: page;
+        -moz-column-break-before: page;
+        break-before: page;
+        page: topic
+    }
+
+    .title-text {
+        font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+        font-size: 4rem;
+        color: #996561;
+        margin-bottom: 5rem
+    }
+
+    .title-pretext {
+        font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+        font-size: 1.5rem;
+        color: #996561
+    }
+
+    .topic-text {
+        font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+        font-size: 2.25rem;
+        color: #996561;
+        margin-bottom: 5rem
+    }
+
+    .topic-pretext {
+        font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+        font-size: 1.5rem;
+        color: #996561
+    }
+
+    article ul li:before {
+        content: ""
+    }
+
+    .toc::after {
+        text-align: right;
+        float: right;
+        content: target-counter(attr(href url),page,decimal-leading-zero)
+    }
+}
+
+
+    .md\:flex-row {
+        -webkit-box-orient:horizontal;
+        -webkit-box-direction: normal;
+        flex-direction: row
+    }
+
+    .md\:w-full {
+        width: 100%
+    }

exhibition/exhibition_print_4em.css

@@ -0,0 +1,559 @@
+/*!normalize.css v8.0.1 | MIT License | github.com/necolas/normalize.css*/
+html {
+    line-height: 1.15;
+}
+
+body {
+    margin: 0
+
+}
+
+main {
+    display: block
+}
+
+a {
+    background-color: transparent
+}
+
+b {
+    font-weight: bolder
+}
+
+img {
+    border-style: none
+}
+
+input {
+    font-family: inherit;
+    font-size: 100%;
+    line-height: 1.15;
+    margin: 0
+}
+
+input {
+    overflow: visible
+}
+
+[type=checkbox] {
+    box-sizing: border-box;
+    padding: 0
+}
+
+template {
+    display: none
+}
+
+p {
+    margin: 0
+}
+
+ul {
+    list-style: none;
+    margin: 0;
+    padding: 0
+}
+
+html {
+    font-family: system-ui,-apple-system,BlinkMacSystemFont,segoe ui,Roboto,helvetica neue,Arial,noto sans,sans-serif,apple color emoji,segoe ui emoji,segoe ui symbol,noto color emoji;
+    line-height: 1.5
+}
+
+*,::before,::after {
+    box-sizing: border-box;
+    border-width: 0;
+    border-style: solid;
+    border-color: currentColor
+}
+
+img {
+    border-style: solid
+}
+
+input::-webkit-input-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input::-moz-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input:-ms-input-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input::-ms-input-placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+input::placeholder {
+    color: #a0aec0
+}
+
+table {
+    border-collapse: collapse
+}
+
+a {
+    color: inherit;
+    text-decoration: inherit
+}
+
+input {
+    padding: 0;
+    line-height: inherit;
+    color: inherit
+}
+
+img,svg {
+    display: block;
+    vertical-align: middle
+}
+
+img {
+    max-width: 100%;
+    height: auto
+}
+
+.bg-CoconutCream {
+    background-color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.bg-AuChico {
+    background-color: #996561
+}
+
+.border-CoconutCream {
+    border-color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.border-b-8 {
+    border-bottom-width: 8px
+}
+
+.cursor-pointer {
+    cursor: pointer
+}
+
+.block {
+    display: block
+}
+
+.flex {
+    display: -webkit-box;
+    display: flex
+}
+
+.table {
+    display: table
+}
+
+.justify-between {
+    -webkit-box-pack: justify;
+    justify-content: space-between
+}
+
+.font-vg5000 {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans
+}
+
+.font-playfair {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans
+}
+
+.font-bold {
+    font-weight: 700
+}
+
+.h-full {
+    height: 100%
+}
+
+.leading-none {
+    line-height: 1
+}
+
+.mx-4 {
+    margin-left: 1rem;
+    margin-right: 1rem
+}
+
+.mb-1 {
+    margin-bottom: .25rem
+}
+
+.mt-4 {
+    margin-top: 1rem
+}
+
+.mb-4 {
+    margin-bottom: 1rem
+}
+
+.mb-6 {
+    margin-bottom: 1.5rem
+}
+
+.mt-8 {
+    margin-top: 2rem
+}
+
+.mb-12 {
+    margin-bottom: 3rem
+}
+
+.p-1 {
+    padding: .25rem
+}
+
+.px-1 {
+    padding-left: .25rem;
+    padding-right: .25rem
+}
+
+.pt-2 {
+    padding-top: .5rem
+}
+
+.pt-3 {
+    padding-top: .75rem
+}
+
+.pr-4 {
+    padding-right: 1rem
+}
+
+.pt-6 {
+    padding-top: 1.5rem
+}
+
+.pb-6 {
+    padding-bottom: 1.5rem
+}
+
+.pb-8 {
+    padding-bottom: 2rem
+}
+
+.pt-16 {
+    padding-top: 4rem
+}
+
+.pt-32 {
+    padding-top: 8rem
+}
+
+.static {
+    position: static
+}
+
+.sticky {
+    position: -webkit-sticky;
+    position: sticky
+}
+
+.top-0 {
+    top: 0
+}
+
+.text-CoconutCream {
+    color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.text-xs {
+    font-size: .75rem
+}
+
+.text-base {
+    font-size: 1rem
+}
+
+.italic {
+    font-style: italic
+}
+
+.z-10 {
+    z-index: 10
+}
+
+@font-face {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular;
+    font-weight: 400;
+    src: url(../fonts/PlayfairDisplay-Regular.woff)format('woff')
+}
+
+@font-face {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular;
+    font-weight: 400;
+    src: url(../fonts/VG5000-Regular_web.woff)format('woff')
+}
+
+body {
+    padding-top: 3rem;
+    padding-left: 3rem;
+    padding-right: 3rem;
+}
+
+img {
+    padding-top: .5rem;
+    padding-bottom: .5rem
+}
+
+h1 {
+    font-size: 1.875rem;
+    -webkit-column-break-after: avoid;
+    -moz-column-break-after: avoid;
+    break-after: avoid
+}
+
+h2 {
+    font-size: 1.5rem;
+    -webkit-column-break-after: avoid;
+    -moz-column-break-after: avoid;
+    break-after: avoid
+}
+
+h3 {
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    -webkit-column-break-after: avoid;
+    -moz-column-break-after: avoid;
+    break-after: avoid
+}
+
+blockquote {
+    font-style: italic
+}
+
+p {
+    padding-bottom: .5rem;
+    line-height: 1.25
+}
+
+article ul {
+    position: relative;
+    list-style-type: none;
+    margin-left: 0;
+    padding-left: .75rem
+}
+
+article ul li:before {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    color: #996561;
+    font-size: .75rem;
+    left: 0;
+    position: absolute;
+    padding-top: .5rem;
+    padding-bottom: .5rem;
+    content: "•"
+}
+
+article li {
+    padding-left: .5rem
+}
+
+a {
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+a:hover {
+    text-decoration: underline
+}
+
+.edit-button {
+    border-bottom-width: 4px;
+    border-color: #f2f6d5;
+    padding-left: .25rem;
+    padding-right: .25rem;
+    background-color: #996561;
+    margin-bottom: .5rem;
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+.edit-button:hover {
+    background-color: #f2f6d5;
+    color: #996561;
+    border-bottom-width: 2px;
+    border-color: #996561
+}
+
+.title-text {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+    font-size: 2.25rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.title-pretext {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.content-text {
+    font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #29102f
+}
+
+.sidebar-title {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.sidebar-list {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #996561
+}
+
+.logo {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #996561;
+    padding-top: .5rem
+}
+
+.ddmenu .sidebar-title {
+    cursor: pointer
+}
+
+.ddmenu input {
+    display: none
+}
+
+.ddmenu .hiddendiv {
+    padding-bottom: .25rem;
+    display: none
+}
+
+.ddmenu input:not(:checked)~.hiddendiv {
+    display: block;
+    padding-bottom: 1rem
+}
+
+#TableOfContents {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: 1.25rem;
+    color: #996561;
+    margin-left: -.5rem
+}
+
+#TableOfContents ul {
+    margin-left: .5rem
+}
+
+#TableOfContents li:before {
+    content: "> "
+}
+
+@page:first {
+    @bottom {
+        content: none;
+    }
+}
+
+@page {
+    margin-bottom: 5mm;
+    @top {
+        color: #996561;
+        font-size: 1rem;
+        font-family: 'VG5000-Regular';
+        content: -moz-element(topic);
+        content: element(topic);
+    }
+
+    @bottom {
+        color: #996561;
+        font-size: 0.5rem;
+        font-family: 'VG5000-Regular';
+        content: "▒▒ 🐟 ▒ ▒▒▒ 🐙  ▒▒▒🏃  ▒▒☄▒ PAGE: " counter(page) " ▒ ▒▒▒▒ ⚡ ▒🔍▒  ☠ ▒ ▒▒▒";
+    }
+}
+
+@page topic:first {
+    @top {
+        content: none;
+    }
+}
+
+@media print {
+    body {
+        background-color: #f2f6d5;
+        color: #29102f;
+        font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans
+    }
+
+    .runningTopic {
+        position: running(topic)
+    }
+
+    .topic {
+        -webkit-column-break-before: page;
+        -moz-column-break-before: page;
+        break-before: page;
+        page: topic
+    }
+
+    .title-text {
+        font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+        font-size: 4rem;
+        color: #996561;
+        margin-bottom: 5rem
+    }
+
+    .title-pretext {
+        font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+        font-size: 1.5rem;
+        color: #996561
+    }
+
+    .topic-text {
+        font-family: playfairdisplay regular,sans;
+        font-size: 2.25rem;
+        color: #996561;
+        margin-bottom: 5rem
+    }
+
+    .topic-pretext {
+        font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+        font-size: 1.5rem;
+        color: #996561
+    }
+
+    article ul li:before {
+        content: ""
+    }
+
+    .toc::after {
+        text-align: right;
+        float: right;
+        content: target-counter(attr(href url),page,decimal-leading-zero)
+    }
+}
+
+
+    .md\:flex-row {
+        -webkit-box-orient:horizontal;
+        -webkit-box-direction: normal;
+        flex-direction: row
+    }
+
+    .md\:w-full {
+        width: 100%
+    }
+
+@page {
+    size: 850mm 4000mm;
+}
+
+html {
+    font-size: 4em;
+    background-color: #f2f6d5
+}
+
+footer {
+    font-family: vg5000-regular,sans;
+    font-size: .75rem;
+    color: #29102f
+}

go.mod

@@ -1,3 +0,0 @@
-module git.memoryoftheworld.org/PirateCare/Syllabus
-
-go 1.15